chap2 chapter_01.html chapter_02.html chapter_03.html Tamil Nadu, The Land of the Vedas R. Nagaswamy 2. SAṄGAM AGE

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2.1. Puṟanāṉūṟu

2.1.1. Vedic Tradition in the First Song of Saṅgam Poem

Among the Saṅgam anthology of poems, the Puṟanāṉūṟu collection is considered by all researchers to be genuine without any interpolation. The prayer song at the beginning, ascribed to Perumdēvanār, who sang the Mahābhārata in Tamiḻ, is considered by some scholars to be a later addition. Leaving out the first prayer song, we may consider a few other songs. The song that appears as no. 2 in the puṟam anthology is in praise of a Cēra king, Perumchoṟṟu Udiyaṉ-Cēral-Ādaṉ, sung by the poet Murañjiyūr Muḍināgarāyar¹. It is known from the study of Saṅgam Cēras, this king Udiyaṉ Cēral is the earliest and this song appears as the first song in the Puṟanāṉūṟu anthology. Secondly, the poet Murañjiyūr Muḍināgarāyar is said to belong to the middle Saṅgam age, which is earlier than all the third Saṅgam age. Dr. U.V. Swaminatha Ayyar has shown from a palm leaf manuscript that Muḍināgarāyar is the earliest known among the Tamiḻ poets, thus far. It is evident that this Saṅgam poem is the earliest poem among the Saṅgam collection. Certainly, the information contained in this poem provides the earliest data about the Tamiḻ society. We may analyze this poem first among the Saṅgam poems. The poem needs to be studied in four parts. The first part deals with the personal qualities of the Cēra king. It states that this king had the qualities of the five great basic elements, namely, the earth, water, air, fire, and ether. Each one of these elements represented one quality. The earth personifies forbearance; the wind represents a devastating force (in destroying enemies); the fire represents unbearable heat (anger against wrongdoers); and finally, water represents a cool nature (toward those who submitted to his orders). The king imbibed these qualities of the five elements pañca-mahā-bhūtas which are detailed in the Dharma Śāstra of Manu (chapter 7 verses 4 and 5). indra, anila, yama, arka, āgnesca, vihita, ārya, nirhatya, yasmāt yeṣām surendrāṇām, mātrebhya, nirmitas nṛpaḥ. So, the quality of the pañca-bhūtas, constituting the qualities of kings, is a part of Vedic Dharma Śāstra. The king who bathed in two seats on the same day and whose boundaries extended from east to west and with the sky as its upper limit, was virtually a sārva-bhauma², a title ascribed to this king. From this arises the concept of catus-samudrādhipati³. Then, the poem goes on to praise him as a participant in the Mahābhārata war between the hundred Kauravas and the five Pāṇḍavas and that he fed both the armies in the field with a sumptuous feast when the Kauravas were utterly routed. This reference shows that he participated in that war as one among many other chiefs and kings of India. It might be a myth or even a poetic exaggeration, but it still makes clear that this Tamiḻ king did feel he was a part of this country and did not stand in isolation. The reference to the Mahābhārata war and the King’s participation would show that the epic was a part of Tamiḻ ethos at the very beginning of Tamiḻ history and is an identity, not an isolation. The Tamiḻ territorial division and linguistic difference did not make them followers of an independent culture, but they remained one with the rest of the country. Each region of India had its own boundaries and different dialects, but the culture remained one and the same. Aśoka’s inscriptions show that in every region there were forest dwellers, hill tribes, cultivators, fishermen, etc., and along with them, lived Brāhmaṇas as well. The reference to the participation of Tamiḻ kings in the Mahābhārata war is also ascribed to other Tamiḻ kings, which illustrates the feeling of oneness. Then, the poem goes on to praise the retinue of the king as “faithful to him and accompanied him in every endeavor, even if the day turned into a dark night, the milk lost its flavor and turned sour, and the path of the four Vedas changed from its course of righteousness.” This expression, “even if the path of the four Vedas changed its course of righteousness,” illustrates how the path of the four Vedas was venerated and looked upon. It is a poetic expression to say it was held in great esteem. And lastly, the poem says that under his protection, the Brāhmaṇas regularly performed the sandhi, i.e., the daily junctions of time and offerings in the three altars — Āhavanīyam⁴, Dakṣiṇāgni⁵ and Gārhapatya⁶ as prescribed in the Vedas, from the Himālayas to the Podigai hills without any fear. The tender and long-eyed antelopes freely came and took shelter near their sacrificial fires as none would harm them. The king gave full protection to the Brāhmaṇas to perform offerings in the three fires (mut-tī - same three fires in Tamiḻ). The poem concludes that the king should remain famous as long as the Himālayas and Podigai remain. The Podigai hill is near Kanyākumari in the south where the sage Agastya lived. Thus, the first available Tamiḻ poem speaks of the Dharma Śāstric ideas, the Cēra’s participation in the Mahābhārata war, the virtue of the path of the four Vedas, and the Brāhmaṇas performing Vedic sacrifices in the Vedic fires without fear points to the irrefutable fact that the Tamiḻ country followed the Vaidika dharma, from its earliest known times.

2.2. Praise of the Vedas by Avvaiyār

2.2.1. Rājasūya Yāga Performed by a Cōḻa King

One of the historic poems found in the Saṅgam anthology gives a graphic description of the Rājasūya yāgaśālās by the Cōḻa king, who was called “Perunar Kiḷḷi who performed Rājasūya” . The poet who sang this was none other than the famous poetess Avvaiyār. The poem is included as poem no. 367 of puṟam anthology of 400 poems⁷. It was customary in the early period to invite all other kings to come to witness a Yāga. The Cōḻa invited the Cēra and the Pāṇḍya kings with all other chieftains. The Cēra ruler of that time, one Māri-Veṅkō and the Pāṇḍya Ugrap-Peruvaḻuti, who conquered the place Kānap-pereyil, accepted the invitation and attended the Yāga. The Pāṇḍya Ugrap-Peruvaḻuti was one of the earliest kings, who ruled at the very beginning of Tamiḻ history, and so was Avvaiyār. Evidently, the poem gives us a glimpse of the life of the Tamiḻs in a very early period. Avvaiyār, who saw the three crowned kings together, was elated and composed this poem. She says, “You Kings, you have made this whole world a Devaloka, dividing it into parts and making them the property of Brāhmaṇas, by placing gold and flowers in their hands and pouring water as an act of gift. Having made the gifts to them, you have also made limitless gifts to others (the chieftains and soldiers) who were celebrating the great victory as a result of their valor in battles, who were happily consuming and enjoying liquor poured from golden bowls by well-adorned young women. Remember, this was possible because of your good deeds puṇya or nal-viṉai, by daily witnessing the morning Vedic sacrifices of mut-tī performed by the good Brāhmaṇas enjoined in the Vedas. You, the three crowned kings, let the country be ruled under your cool white umbrellas. Kings! I know to praise thee only in this way that you should rule for a long time.” Avvaiyār, the greatest poet, puts this praise in a beautifully poetic way: “When there are raindrops as drizzle, you can count their number. But when it rains torrentially from the high heaven it is impossible to count the number of drops. I pray that you rule so many days as there are drops of water in torrential rains. This is the maximum measure I could think of!”, says Avvaiyār. This poem is important in many ways. As the three kings were present and were praised together, it symbolically means that the entire Tamiḻ society was represented by them, and so it represents the culture of Tamiḻnāḍu. Maṉṉaṉ uyirte malar talai ulakam⁸ says an ancient saying. The king is the life principle of the country. The lands gifted by the kings to the Brāhmaṇas were either in their own territory or conquered from their enemies. The gifts of land thus made were accompanied by placing gold and flowers in their hands and by pouring water over them. This is a Vedic custom prescribed in the Dharma Śāstras which symbolically means that the donor relinquishes his right over the gifted property in favour of the donee. Evidently, the Tamiḻ kings followed this Vedic custom. The kings also honoured others like chieftains and heroes with unlimited gifts and honors. The kings ruled happily by witnessing the daily performance of the three Vedic sacrifices enjoined in the Vedas by the Brāhmaṇas. This means the Brāhmins enjoyed full liberty to follow their path, and that merit accrued to the kings for their just rule. One should not forget that these concepts come from the greatest and earliest of Tamiḻ poets, Avvaiyār. Any suggestion that Tamiḻ were anti-Vedic at the beginning has no support in their earliest writings.

2.3. Vedic Sacrifices Performed by a Pāṇḍya King

The verse number 15, included in the puṟam⁹, anthology of poems praises the Pāṇḍya ruler Palyāgasālai Mudukuḍumi Peruvaḻuti by the poet Neṭṭimaiyār. The poem has 25 lines that can be studied in three parts. The first part, from lines 1 to 16, praises the king for his conquests and the destruction he caused to the enemy country. The second part deals with the innumerable Vedic sacrifices he performed as prescribed in the four Vedas (lines 17 to 22). The third and the last part praises the king for his love of listening to the songs of praise sung by the Pāṭiṉi, a professional dancer. The poem is couched in a beautiful poetic format. It seems to ask the king whether the number of enemies who fought with him, were utterly defeated, and ran for their lives was greater, or if the number of sacrificial posts he planted to mark the Vedic sacrifices he performed was greater. It is a poetic way of expressing that both were innumerable. We can now examine the first part of the poem. The king had captured the forts of his enemies. These forts, once filled with great chariots drawn by horses, were now ploughed with donkeys and planted with sesame seeds as a mark of defeat. The enemies’ fertile fields, which once yielded paddy and other grains attracting birds with their sweet sounds, were now overrun by chariots drawn by high-breed horses of the king. The forts were destroyed by his tall and powerful elephants, which were now bathing in their guarded ponds. Enemies who dared to fight against his forward columns of heroes, wielding sharp spears and decorated shields, were totally routed and fled in shame. The poet asks the king which of the two is greater:

Is this number of enemies who fled for their life from the battlefield greater?
Is the number of sacrificial posts - yūpa stambhas, planted to commemorate the completion of many Vedic sacrifices, performed by the king, as prescribed in the four Vedas, and as directed by the flawless Dharma Śāstras and performed with corns and sacrificial twigs with plenty of ghee poured in the altar, that caused huge smokes to raise, greater?

Evidently, both the number of defeated enemies and the number of sacrifices were great. Thus, he was called the Pāṇḍya who made several yāgaśālā. Here, it must be remembered according to the faith prevalent then, the conquest in the battlefields by the kings, were also called sacrifices. Hence, the victory sacrifices on the battlefields and the Vedic sacrifices in the Śālās are contrasted to show the king had achieved great fame in both. The professional singer and dancer (Pāṭini) sung thy glory of victories beating her taṇṇumai (mṛdaṅgam, drum) tied tightly with straps. “This is a Vañci song you are fond of listening to, oh king”, says the poet. The poem is a sterling example of the Tamiḻ kings frequently performing Vedic sacrifices as prescribed in four Vedas with beautiful hymns (naṟ panuval nāl vēdaththu). This poem is an attestation to Vedic sacrifices being performed from the very beginning of Tamiḻ history by all the three crowned kings of Tamiḻ land, Cēra, Cōḻa, and Pāṇḍya. Apart from the number of colophons of puṟam poems referring to this Pāṇḍya Peruvaḻuti with the epithet Palyāgasālai Mudukuḍumi Peruvaḻuti his performance of Vedic sacrifice is also attested by an the 8th century copper plate charter of Neḍuñ-caḍaiyaṉ, in which a village Vēḷvikkuḍi¹⁰ (village of Vedic sacrifice) gifted by this Peruvaḻuti to a Brāhmaṇa is mentioned. This village was usurped by a ruler of the Kalabhra dynasty. A descendant of the original donee appealed to the king Naḍuñ-caḍaiyan to restore the village to his family. The king restored the village after examining the original records. This also shows such gifts in Vedic sacrifices were duly recorded in documents for verification in times of disputes. It is known that the Vedic sacrifices that played such important roles in Tamiḻ life were guided by the Vedic Brāhmaṇas. So, the claims of some speculators that there were no Vedic priests in Saṅgam period, is a willful distortion of fact. (See Avvaiyār’s praise of Vedic sacrifices and note that Tolkāppiyam prescribes the pārppana vāhai)

2.4. A King Who Performed Two Vēḷvis

We have seen that the Tamiḻ kings, be a Cōḻa, Cēra or Pāṇḍya, made it a point to perform Vedic sacrifices. The Pāṇḍya king Neṭuñ-ceḻiyaṉ who won the battle at Talaiyālaṅkāṉam, performed two kinds of sacrifices (Vēḷvi), sings the poet Māṅguḍi Kiḻār, in poem puṟam 26¹¹. The first one was the victorious sacrifice on the battlefield and the second was the Vedic sacrifice accompanied by Vedic Mantras. The second probably was a Rajāsūyam sacrifice prescribed for the kings. The poem can be studied in four parts. The first part says the Pāṇḍya Ceḻiyaṉ captured the war drum of his opponent kings in the battlefield. He rattled them flashing his spears, throwing the field into a vast wasteland. Riding his royal elephants, he waded through the enemies like a ship speeding in deep dark sea pushed by a cyclonic wind. The second part says, he used the crowned heads of the fallen kings as oven, using the blood of the severed soldiers as water to cook the brain and flesh of the fallen bodies and stirring with a ladle of the severed hands of fallen heroes he offered this ghastly food as a battle sacrifice / kaḷavēḷvi. The next part states, that this king performed the traditional Vedic sacrifice with defeated kings assisting him as servants and accompanied by his close relatives and the foremost Brāhmaṇas who were Caturvedins, who fulfilled their vows by their deep learning and steadfast observances. The next part says, that two kinds of people lived as recluses; the first were those who vowed to do penance / tapasvins. The second were the enemies who, unable to oppose him, had resorted to penance as they knew that they would be routed. These two Vēḷvis / sacrifices are contrasted. In the first one, he moved on the battlefield accompanied by ferocious heroes like a speeding ship tossed by heavy wind and performed the victory sacrifice. In the second, he performed the Vedic sacrifice accompanied by Vedic Brāhmaṇas who were pictures of learning and composure. The former was terrific and transitory, while the other was a calm and everlasting Vedic sacrifice. Having achieved the first, the second came naturally. The king was said to be surrounded by learned Vedic Brāhmaṇas who guided him in his sacrifices. This would show that the claim of some speculators that there was no priestly class in the Saṅgam Age is only a wishful thinking and not supported by the poems.

2.5. Kaḷa-vēḷvi - Vedic Sacrifice at Battlefield

Vēḷvi means a Vedic sacrifice, an offering of cooked rice in fire with recitation of Vedic hymns to the gods, praying for good progeny, wealth, prosperity, and peace for all. There are two similar Vēḷvis that were common in Tamiḻnāḍu that come in for praise in the Saṅgam poems. One is called Kaḷa-vēḷvi performed by the cultivators and the other was the Maṟak-kaḷa-vēḷvi performed by the kings in their victorious battlefield. When the cultivators reap their paddy, bring them to threshing floor, and separate the paddy from the hay by threshing, they make a special porridge out of the newly harvested rice and offer the same first to God and make gifts of the grains to those who come asking for it and eat the offered food. As this is done in the threshing floor is called Kaḷa-vēḷvi, sacrifice in the threshing floor. It is the dharma of the cultivators. The kings do a different kind of Vēḷvi sacrifice as their main function namely, protect the country. They wage war and when they gain victory, they offer victory sacrifice which goes by the name Maṟak-kaḷa-vēḷvi. They perform this sacrifice right in the victorious battlefield. But the situation is frightful where hundreds of men are killed, and their bodies remain scattered. So, they make use of these bodies and limbs and blood to offer sacrifice. The severed heads are arranged as ovens; the severed limbs like hands and legs are used as firewood and the blood of men and flesh of different parts of the body are boiled and made into porridge and offered to Goddess Koṟṟavai - Durgā, the giver of victory. The king, his commanders and soldiers join hands and perform a victory dance. One verse in Puṟanāṉūṟu anthology no 372¹², was sung by poet Māṅguḍi Kiḻār, another early poet on the victory of Pāṇḍya Neṭuñ-ceḻiyaṉ, who won a signal victory at Talaiyālaṅkāṉam. The poem was probably sung at the battlefield of that war. It says that the field where this Maṟak-kaḷa-vēḷvi took place was resounding with the victory drum tied with leather straps and there was the jubilation all over with the victory by flash of the swords and arrows that fell everywhere. The severed heads of opponents and necks were used as cooking vessels in which the oozing blood and slashed flesh of the enemies were cooked and stirred with the severed limbs of hands. The cook of the battlefield “Vāluvaṉ” carried this awesome cooked ball of flesh as a Piṇḍa on his head and offered the same to all the Peys (goblins) as food as one offered in marriage festival for all the guests. This poem mentions “the great Piṇḍa” offered by the Vāluvaṉ in the battlefield is like a Vedic sacrifice in an altar. Secondly, it refers to a marriage festival as “vaduvai viḻā”. Vaduvai is derived from the Sanskrit term for marriage (Vadhū - a bride or newly married woman). Vēḷvi means a Vedic sacrifice. In this poem, another early poet Māṅguḍi Kiḻār sings what is defined as Maṟak-kaḷa-vēḷvi which means it is a Vedic sacrifice in the battlefield like the Arak-kaḷa-vēḷvi of Brāhmaṇas. Thus, it is clear the Tamiḻ life gave prominence to Vēḷvi (Sacrifice) included as Arak-kaḷa-vēḷvi, Kaḷa-vēḷvi and Maṟak-kaḷa-vēḷvi. There can be no doubt that the early Tamiḻs likened their historic achievements in war to a Vedic sacrifice. The bard sings the patron praising him that he performed such a sacrifice and that he gifted all the captured wealth to the bards.

2.6. Wealth for World To Go

The Vedas say that water is the main source of prosperity (āpo vā idam sarvam). All these (wealth) are due to nothing but water. This view is reflected in a Puṟanāṉūṟu verse. This is echoed in a poem on Pāṇḍya Neḍuñ-ceḻiyan, by poet Kuḍa-pulaviyaṉār, included as poem 18 in the collection. It is a mature advice to the king for improving the prosperity of the people. The first part of the poem praises the king and prays that he should live for long years to come. The second part says “If you want to have the due qualification to reach the other world with prosperity or you want to achieve unparalleled success in battles or you want to establish great fame, Listen! You are already great. But remember everything is dependent on the human body and that is dependent on water and so one who provides water provides food and they are those who give life to all. The body is supported by food. What is called food is that which combines water with land. (The poet here points out increasing the fertility of the soil), those who irrigate the land are those who protect these lives and bodies. If land remains fallow expecting rain for fertility, it will not do! Instead, Oh king! you, being engaged in battles, concentrate on bringing vast areas under cultivation so that you can establish lives and bodies of the people. Only those who engage in this work prosper and not others” says the poet. It is a profound advice to the king to care for improving the cultivable fields rather than battlefields. “King”, begins the first part, “you are a descendent of those who by their own efforts established fame and ruled this vast world surrounded by water. Let your life remain prosperous for crores of days (from one to crores of days multiplied by tens of days). This is a suggestion that there is enough water in this world. In fact, the world is surrounded by waters, which is the main source of your prosperity, not fighting with your opponents. King, you are the master of an ancient region surrounded by lofty protective walls and moats full of fish like vāḷai ( வாளை), virāl (வரால்), āral (ஆரல்), and keṭiṟṟu (கெடிற்ற). Whether you want to go to the other world and desire to taste all wealth there, or you want to vanquish all enemy kings and remain an unparalleled king or you want to establish great fame in this world, listen to the work you should undertake now, you great king. All those who gave food to the bodies in fact have given life to them, to all lives that depend on water; the body depends on food and food is produced from irrigated fields. Thus, those who provide waters for cultivating the fields are those who sustain lives. If a king has a vast area of land lying fallow without cultivation for want of water, it will serve no purpose to the king. Therefore, king Cheḻiya!, who revels in battle of killings; build your efforts to provide water in deep ponds where there are no waters. Only those who improve water sources will obtain the three wealth”. I mentioned earlier that by improving his meritorious wealth for the next world, he will become an unequalled conqueror of all opponents and will establish great fame in this world. Others who do not put such efforts will not achieve those aspirations”. (See 2.13) This pointed advice to the king is to pay attention to improving water sources for water is everything. This advice is especially in the light of Vedic statement āpo vā idam sarvam.

2.7. Don’t insult Brāhmins

An interesting episode is mentioned in puṟam poem 43¹³. Māvaḷattāṉ, a prince of the Cōḻa family, and younger brother of Nalam Kiḷḷi, was playing dice with the Brāhmin poet, Dāmaṟpal kaṇṇaṉār. The former lost the game and in anger threw the dice at the victorious Brāhmaṇa. The poem describes this situation. The poet refers to important Vedic traditions. Once there was a belief that a group of Brāhmaṇa Ṛṣis were following the hot sun to prevent the excessive heat of the sun from scorching the earth, so that the world may be saved. These Ṛṣis were called “Vālakhilyas”¹⁴ who were constantly circling the earth along with the sun. This is a Vedic lore. The poet of the Puṟanāṉūṟu refers to these sages, who have sacrificed everything for the sake of the world and live only by air as their food. Having said that, the poet says “Your ancestors (Cōḻas) will never insult the Brāhmaṇas, but you have done it now”. It shows the Brāhmins were highly respected in ancient Tamiḻnāḍu and would not be insulted even by the ruling kings obviously for their sacrifices for humanity, bearing the unbearable heat of the sun for the people of the world. But the poet goes beyond what he said initially. As the poem seems to record an interesting episode which obviously is not fiction but history, we may see the poem itself. The sages who lived only on air and moved always with the sun to prevent his heat from scorching the world, were themselves surprised when King Sibi an ancestor of the Cōḻas, himself stepped on a weighing scale to give equal amount of flesh to the vulture which chased a dove that took refuge on the lap of the king. The vulture demanded the dove, his prey, or an equal amount of flesh, for it was its due food. The king agreed to give himself in place of the dove and stepped on the weighing scale. When he entered the scale the god of righteousness appeared, praised the king for his selfless sacrifice, and gave salvation to them. This story is an ancient one and is also found in Buddhist Jātaka tales. And so, decidedly a northern one that has been integrated into the genealogy of the Cōḻa dynasty, as their ancestor. This incidence is also praised in the Cilappatikāram and all subsequent Tamiḻ poems as the exploit of the Cōḻa ancestors. The poet then proceeded to praise the ancestry of the Cōḻas and told the prince who threw the dice at him that he was not born of a Cōḻa, for they would never insult a Brāhmaṇa the way the prince behaved. That was a very severe rebuke. The prince would have drawn his sword and cut the poet’s head. He didn’t do any such act but felt ashamed of his action. Thus, the poet told him that he was indeed noble for he was not overtaken by anger, instead felt sorry. The poet said, “You were not wrong, but it is I who should be blamed. Be you prosperous so long as the sands of the river Kāvēri exist”. There are three elements in this rather historic episode. 1) The reference to sages Vālakhilyas. 2) The story of Sibi Chakravarti who was a Cōḻa. and 3) that even the kings will not insult any Brāhmaṇa in the Tamiḻ country, Pārppār nōvaṉa ceyyār. This needs to be kept in mind by the speculators on Tamiḻ civilization.

2.8. Death is Certain; So is Rebirth

There is faith among the followers of the Vedic system that death is certain for all and so is rebirth. This is echoed in Upaniṣads and Bhagavad Gīta “jātasya hi dhruvo mṛtyuḥ dhṛvam janma mritasya ca” says the Gīta (2.27). This faith is repeated in the same way in a puṟam poem appearing as no 27. The poem was sung by Uraiyūr Mudukaṇṇan Cāttanār when he advised the Cōḻa Nalam Kiḷḷi. The poem can be studied in two parts. The first part deals with the kings who were born in noble families and ruled honestly, only a few gained fame before disappearing, but those who died without fame were many indeed. The second part says death is certain and so is rebirth. The poet says, “Make those who do not realize this phenomenon understand by bestowing grace on them, regardless of whether those who come to you were powerful or weak”. The point made is the king should invariably help those who come to him seeking his grace. “Your opponents must know that you are ever powerful and can deal with them appropriately”. The first part of the poem says: - “if one begins to count those who were born in great families like lotuses with hundred petals in mired water, and who have helped those people who came to them irrespective of their stature and hence received praise and songs and finally passed away are only a few. But those who have withered like the leaves of the lotus plant unsung, are many indeed. Those who fulfill good deeds and receive the songs of praise from the learned poets reach heaven in chariots driven through the sky without a charioteer. So, do we hear? Oh! Cet-ceṉṉi-Nalam-Kiḷḷi! Please listen, decay is certain, and so is growth. Death is certain and birth is also certain. Just like how the roaming Moon god is visible to those who do not realize this, consider helping those who come to you with sorrow regardless of them being strong or weak. But let those who do not help remain without your grace. Let them oppose you -- who never had any setback”. The advice is that you will receive praises of learned poets and join the few great men but those who are against you, will be on the opposite side as one among the millions of unsung ones. This poem is an illustration of the Vedic concept according to which death is certain for those born in this world and so do help those hungry and in need. This became a part of ancient Tamiḻ culture.

2.9. The Land Where Gold Blossoms

Porpū Viḷaiyum Naṉ Nāḍu We have seen earlier that the ancient Tamiḻ Saṅgam literature refers in many poems, the Vedic traditions as guiding principles oo the Tamiḻ society. The northern tradition is not restricted to Vedic influence alone. The same is mentioned in different forms that would come as a stunning revelation to protagonists. For example, in the following poem from the Puṟanāṉūṟu anthology, the Devaloka is mentioned where Kalpaka trees abound in a grove, where people had all their wants fulfilled and there was none to make any request and none to give because there was no want or and no pleasure that was not available. The concept of kalpaka-kāḍu is distinctly a northern one and not a Tamiḻ one. The reference to it is a pointer to the fact that from very ancient times, there has been an inseparable unity in the culture of the Tamiḻs and the northern part of India. Let us see the concerned poem. The poem appears as no 38¹⁵ in the collection sung by Āvūr Mūlam Kiḻār, praising Cōḻa “Kuḷa-muṟṟattu tuñjiya Kiḷḷi-vaḷavaṉ”, who died at Kula-muṟṟam. The poem is brought under pāḍāṉ-tiṇai, and the turai called “iyal-moḻi”. The poem can be easily understood in four parts. The first part reads like this: - “You victorious king. You have a powerful army riding on young elephants which carries fluttering multi-coloured flags as if reaching the sky. If you happen to glance at a region with anger, it would be consigned to flames immediately. But, if you look at a region with grace, there gold would flower. You have the valour to bring moon in the sun or should you seek sun in the moon, you can achieve both without fail”. The second part of the poem says: - “I was born under your shade and grew up under the same. We enjoy such comforts under you. There are others who live in the Devaloka /Celestial world where there is everything obtainable from the Kalpa Vana - the garden of all fulfilling trees, that blossom with golden flowers. Those who live here neither need to ask for or receive anything, for they get everything they want suited to their needs. So, there is no use of that Devaloka because it has nothing more to give than here”. The next part says that “for those who have any need, it is of no use to go there as everything can be obtained here in your land. They are always thinking that you are here (to fulfill all their wants); even those who are living in the opponent’s land keep thinking of your land”. This poem is an indirect method of praising the Cōḻa land is like Devaloka providing all pleasures for the people or in a sense even better for Kiḷḷi is here to give while in Devaloka there is none to give”. This is an exemplary poem that praises the greatness of the Devaloka and the forest of Kalpa trees as well. There could be no doubt these northern ideas were part of Tamiḻ culture in early Tamiḻnāḍu.

2.10. A Forest Dweller

Van Paraṇar was a great poet of the Saṅgam age. He had composed some immortal poems which are now in the Puṟap-pāṭṭu collection. Three of the songs are interconnected, probably related to one episode. A Bāṇaṉ along with his family was passing through a forest region by the side of a hill slope. It was a terrible route, and they were completely exhausted, and hungry and were unable to proceed as their legs refused to move. So, they spotted a jack tree, under which they sat down to take a break. They saw a well-built hunter with bow and arrow in his hand, coming toward them and with his hands over his eyes looked at them. “Poor folks, you look tired” he thought and immediately cut a hunted deer into pieces, lighted a fire by rubbing dry woods, roasted the meat of the deer and gave to the hungry Bāṇaṉ and his retinue. The meat he gave tasted like nectar and they ate to their satisfaction and moved to a spring near where there was crystal like water which they drank and having quenched their thirst continued their way. The hunter came behind and stopped them and said, “I am only a forest dweller I don’t have anything else to present you except this” and so saying he removed a necklace of pearls from his neck and the bracelets he was wearing in his powerful hands and presented them. The Bāṇaṉ and his family looked at him and asked, “where is your dwelling”. He did not reply. They asked him, “What is your name?”. To this also he did not reply. The Bāṇaṉ and the family continued their journey and later learnt from the passersby that he was “Nalli”, the chieftain of the hilly region. They were amazed to see a forest hunter, unwilling to let others know even his abode or name but helped them and wanted to remain totally anonymous. They looked at the top of the hill and felt he was taller than the top of the hill. In a second poem, a short one, the Bāṇaṉ addressed the chief “Nalli! we are accustomed to sing Marutam-paṇ in evenings and Cevvaḻip-paṇ in mornings with our Yaḻ (harp). We have now forgotten these songs for we have been overwhelmed by your kindness and generosity that they do not come to our mind”. And in the third poem the Bāṇaṉ sang “Nalli having seen you bringing whatever you could to this town and distributing them to the needy, our little but honest tongues can only sing your praises and not the so-called great kings who do nothing worthwhile but for their own name” These three poems in the Puṟanāṉūṟu collection remind us of Guha the fisherman in Rāmāyaṇa who attracted Śrī Rāma as a perfect human than many others. There are many Saṅgam poems in which such great enthralling episodes are found as a true reflection of ancient Tamiḻ culture that deserves to be studied. It is a pity that these immortal poets and their songs are neglected these days and only pseudo vituperative writing is passed as Tamiḻ’s contribution. We would love to enjoy true and great Tamiḻ.

2.11. Dharmayuddha

Whenever the king undertakes a battle with his enemy, the Dharma Śāstra says, they should first ensure the innocent are not killed or wounded in the cross battle and therefore should forewarn them that an invasion is to take place and the innocent should run away to places of safety. Tolkāppiyam has a sūtra in Puṟat-tiṇai, no. 2 and 10 in which such forewarning is mentioned as a stage in war expedition called “Mevaṟṟu”. The commentator Nacciṉārkkiṉiyar states that when two kings decide on war, they should see that women, children, Brāhmins, the sick, cows, and others who deserve to be protected, should be forewarned so that they can run away to safety. But, in the case of cows that cannot understand, the invading king should bring them from opponents’ territory and protect them, which is considered dharma, righteous conduct. Capturing cows in this manner cannot be called stealing. It is called in Tolkāppiyam as “ā tantu ōmpal” - protecting cows by capturing them. A verse in Puṟanāṉūṟu no. 9 addressed to the Pāṇḍya Palyāga-sālai Mudu-kuḍumi Peru-vaḻuti by poet Neṭṭimaiyār mentions this tradition¹⁶. It begins saying, ”Oh! Our king! Kuḍumi in accordance with the stipulation of the dharma path you forewarn cows, Brāhmins who have soft behaviour like cows, women, and men suffering from diseases and those who have no sons to offer the prescribed piṇḍas to their dead ancestors, that know yee all! We are going to aim our sharp arrows at your place and as such you run for safety shelters”, and after issuing such a warning, then start your destructive campaign by marching on elephants with fluttering flags. Thou shall prosper so many years as there are sands in the river Pahṟuli where your ancestor performed a great festival to god Varuṇa.

2.12. Pūñcāṟṟūr Pārppāṉ Kauṇiyaṉ Viṇṇantāyaṉ

(A Caturvedi Brāhmaṇa who lived in the Cōḻa country 2000 years ago) The Puṟanāṉūṟu verse 166¹⁷ is an important one for understanding Vedic studies in Tamiḻnāḍu. The poem was sung by Āvūr Mūlaṅkiḻār, a poet who was one amongst the early poets. The poem is in praise of a Brāhmaṇa Viṇṇantāyaṉ (Viṣṇu Dāśa) belonging to Kauṇḍinya Gotra, who hailed from a village, Pūñcāṟṟūr in the Cōḻa country, on the banks of the river Kāvēri. This poem has been cited by ancient commentators as an illustration of many poetic compositions prescribed by Tolkāppiyar in his grammar Tolkāppiyam. The poet says this Brāhmaṇa belonged to a highly learned family of Caturvedins (the four Vedas) and masters of ṣaḍaṅgas (six limbs of the Vedas) and performers of all the Vedic sacrifices. They performed twenty-one kinds of Vedic sacrifices. U.V. Swaminatha Ayyar has listed all the sacrifices in a footnote to this poem. They are referred to in the poem as “three seven vēḷvis” (21). The three sevens are divided into 1) seven Sōma yajñas 2) seven Havir yajñas 3) and Seven Pāka yajñas. Seven Sōma yajñas are: - 1. Agniṣṭhoma 2. Aty-agniṣṭhoma 3. Uktyam 4. Ṣoḍaśi 5. Vājapeyam 6. Atirātram 7. Aptoryāmam. Seven Havir yajñas: - 1. Agny-ādeyam 2. Agnihotram 3. Darśa-pūrnamāsam 4. Cātur-māsyam 5. Nirūḍa paśu-bhandana 6. Agrayānam 7. Sautrāmani Seven Pāka yajñas: - 1. Aṣṭakam 2. Aparvānam 3. Śrāddham 4. Śrāvaṇi 5.Agragāyanam 6. Caitrī 7. Aśvayuji These 21 yajñas are said to endow great fame. The ancient commentator on them noted 21 Veḷvis performed by the ancestors of this Brāhmaṇa were famous for their Vedic knowledge and mastery of legal tradition, the Dharma Śāstras. They performed these rites without shortcomings. Viṇṇantāyaṉ is also praised as a descendent of the foremost men of learning. This poem points to the immense faith the ancient Tamiḻ society had for Brāhmins as leaders among the men of knowledge. The ancient commentator gives an alternate interpretation. In the ancient system of logical (Tarka) disputations, there were 21 stages of arguments to establish the truth. Viṇṇantāyaṉ was a master of an ancient logical system. Another tradition mentioned among these Vedic Brāhmaṇas is, while performing certain yajñas they have to live for six days in the forest region and another six days in villages. The poem begins with a salute to Lord Śiva, the most ancient god who had his locks beautifully braided into a high crown of Jaṭā-muḍi, sings the Vedas all the time. The family of this Brāhmaṇa, Viṇṇantāyaṉ, were those who studied the four Vedas and its six aṅgas. The four Vedas were, Ṛg, Yajus, Sāma, and Atharvaṇa. The six limbs were Vyākaraṇam, Jyotiṣam, Niruktam, Chandas, Śikṣā and Kalpam. The ancient commentator says the Vedas which have the dharma as the tenets in four divisions remained ever in the Vāk of Śiva and are understood through the six limbs ṣaḍaṅgas. U.V. Swaminatha Ayyar, citing the Maṇimekhalai, refers to these as the six limbs (aṅgas) mentioned in ancient Tamiḻ. It is a visualization of these sciences as limbs of the human body. They are as follows: - 1. Kalpa is the hand 2. Chandas is leg 3. Jyotiṣam is the eye 4. Nirukta is the ear 5. Śikṣā is nose and 6. Vyākaraṇa is the mouth. It is interesting to note such a visualization was well known to the Tamiḻs even in the Saṅgam age. The medieval commentator, Nacciṉārkkiṉiyar referring to the six limbs, calls Jyotiṣam as Kaṇakku and Śikṣā as Brāhmam. Otherwise, the six systems are the same. There were some who opposed the tenets of Vedas by proposing false doctrines in the garb of logical thoughts. The ancestors of Viṇṇantāyaṉ studied these non-Vedic schools and defeated their falsehood by performing 21 kinds of Vedic Yajña (expounding proper arguments, through 21 stages of logic). It is here that the ancient commentator gives two alternate meanings. First, he says the anti-Vedic exponents were like Buddhists, who couched their false doctrines to appear as truths. So, the Vedic scholars studied their doctrines thoroughly and proved their argument by performing 21 yajñas (see page 64) without shortcomings. The alternate meaning suggested, was that the anti-Vedic doctrines were totally defeated by the 21 logical arguments. There used to be scholarly contentions and debate among opposing schools of thought and the one who defeated the other by logical means, was considered the winner. This was an important victory celebrated in poetic parlance that went by the name Brāhminical victory - “pārppaṉa vāhai”. Such contests seem to have been popular among Brāhmin scholars then. The ancestral families of Viṇṇantāyaṉ were triumphant in all such debates. The Vedic system seems to have perfected this system of logic to claim victory. The ancient commentators considered the non-Vedic schools as Buddhist and the like. It is known that Buddhists and Jains developed their own systems of logic which gave rise to many such sects among them. Such schools existed in the Saṅgam age. Then the poem goes on to describe how Viṇṇantāyaṉ went to do his yajñas. He wore the skin of a forest deer, over his sacred thread, (upavīta) and went over his left shoulder as a mark of a sacrifice. He was assisted by his wives who were symbols of chastity as prescribed in the Dharma Śāstras and adorning themselves with Jālaka cover. They were charming with small foreheads and had their hair done attractively. They spoke little but did all the duties assigned to them. They thus were the dharma patnīs assisting in Vedic sacrifices. Viṇṇantāyaṉ secured ghee for the sacrifice from seven species of cows; both domestic and wild forest ones and poured ghee uninterruptedly in the sacrificial fire like a continuous stream of water. Thus, he spread his fame far and wide. At the end of the sacrifice, he affectionately attended to his guests, made great gifts, and fed them with delicious food. The reception and feast were so great that the poets who assembled there, praised him, soliciting more such feasts from him. His gifts were so great that when they returned to their village on the banks of Kāvēri, it resembled the fresh waters brought from the western ghat, where the clouds rained sumptuously with thunder and lightning. They delighted them with the full fertility of the land, and plenty of delicious food, and enabled them to move around on their carriers joyfully. They fully enjoyed his generosity. They prayed that Viṇṇantāyaṉ should live like the lofty Himālayas where the bamboos grew on the slopes. This poem in Puṟanāṉūṟu is an example of the lifestyle of Vedic Brāhmaṇas in ancient Tamiḻnāḍu around the beginning of First Century CE. This was sung by the poet Āvūr Mūlaṅkiḻār, at the beginning of the historical period of the Tamiḻs. It is a well-laid-out poetry beginning with the praise of Lord Śiva described as the most ancient God who recited the Vedas. Secondly, it speaks of the ancestors of Viṇṇantāyaṉ who were great Caturvedins, masters of the six aṅgas through which they understood the Vedas. They studied not only the Vedic doctrines but also non-Vedic doctrines and won debates in logical contests. They were also epitomes of Dharma Śāstras. The poem then eulogises Viṇṇantāyaṉ and his wives. Obviously, they had more than one wife who were the Yajña patnīs. Then the poem describes how he performed many sacrifices probably the 21 yajñas. After the Yāgas he made sumptuous gifts, and feasts to the guests that overwhelmed them. It is almost like the river Kāvēri bringing the rain waters from the Western Ghats and fertilising the gifted lands. The poem then concludes with the praise of this Vedic Brāhmaṇa comparing his greatness to the sacred Himālayas. The poem gives a picture of Vedic life, and it should be remembered that there were many such Brāhmin families living in Tamiḻnāḍu especially in the Kāvēri delta during the Saṅgam era.

2.13. Taittirīya Upaniṣad in the Saṅgam Poem

The poet, Kuḍa Pulaviyanār, sang a poem on the famous Pāṇḍya king, Neḍuñceḻiyan, the victor of Talaiālaṅkāṉam. This poem is included as poem 18 in the Puṟanāṉūṟu anthology. The poem is categorized under a class of poems called wise counsels (mudumoḻik-kāñcī), and the path is said to be common to all (poduviyal). This is very important for the study of the Vedantic tradition in the Saṅgam age, Tamiḻnāḍu. There are two poems sung by him, both were about this Pāṇḍya king. The first one probably sings about the great battle of Talaiālaṅkāṉam. In this battle, two crowned kings and five chieftains fought with him, and he emerged victorious. The number of those who lost their lives was very great, as were the great elephants whose trunks were cut with his sharp sword and rolled on the ground, struggling for their life. Even the god of death was ashamed on seeing the death of so many heroic men on the battlefield when their women wept, saying we belong to the heroic family. He conquered the strength of seven chiefs in that way. This was a battle in which almost all the heroes of Tamiḻnāḍu participated and quite a number lost their lives. (tamiḻ talai mayaṅkiya talaiālaṅkāṉam). The poet says that he admired the garland of pearls on the chest of such a victorious king. The second song is a somber advice to the king. Probably the poet was deeply moved by the loss of so many lives in the battle, which is reflected in the second poem. Instead of madly destroying so many lives, the poet advice, “You king, try to give lives to many people, you will establish your fame far better”. This poem is the subject matter of our study here. The poet starts praising the ancestry of this Pāṇḍya Ceḻiyan. “Your Ancestors, says the poet, established great unequalled fame in this vast world surrounded by the resounding seas all around. Let your life last for as many years as counted in crores beginning from one. You are the ruler of a great impregnable fort surrounded by deep moats in which different kinds of fish like vāḷai, āral, irāl and keṭiṟṟu. You are the most powerful King no doubt. If you want to obtain wealth in Svarga Loka where you will go at the end or want to establish yourself as the singular King by defeating all the rulers of the world, or you want to establish permanent praiseworthy fame in this world, listen to me, now that would fulfill that aspiration. The principal requirement of the bodies of all living beings is water. Those who provide water indeed give lives to all; water is in lightning (as light is in water, clouds) water is food; food provides lives to bodies; water blended with earth is food. Those who increase irrigation of fields, increase lives on earth, protect lives on earth. One can sow plenty of seeds on waste dryland and expect rains to fertilise the earth it is of no use. One can kill thousands of lives on the battlefield. Instead, one should protect more lives on earth that would give strength, prosperity, knowledge, and establish great fame. This is reflected in the Vedic passage, the Taittirīya Upaniṣad. (Please see the Upaniṣadic passage in the original given here with the commentary of the Advaita exponent, Saṅkarācārya, and also the English translation by Bharat Ratna Sir. S. Radha Kriṣṇan).

2.13.1. The Importance of Food

अन्नं न निन्द्यात्। तद् व्रतम् । प्राणो वा अन्नम्। शरीरमन्नादम्। प्राणे शरीरं प्रतिष्ठितम् । शरीरे प्राणः प्रतिष्ठितः। तद् एतद् अन्नमन्ने प्रतिष्ठितम् । स य एतद् अन्नमन्ने प्रतिष्ठितं वेद प्रतितिष्ठति । अन्नवान् अन्नादो भवति । महान्भवति प्रजया पशुभिर् ब्रह्मवर्चसेन। महान् कीर्त्या ॥ १ ॥ annaṁ na nindyāt, tad vratam, prāṇo vā annaṁ, śarīram annādam, prāṇe śarīraṁ pratiṣṭhitam, śarīre prāṇaḥ pratiṣṭhitaḥ, tad etad annam anne pratiṣṭhitam, sa ya etad annam anne pratiṣṭhitaṁ veda pratitiṣṭhati, annavān annādo bhavati, mahān bhavati prajayā paśubhir Brahma-varcasena, mahān kīrtyā Do not speak ill of food. That shall be the rule. Life, verily, is food. The body is the eater of food. In life is the body established; life is established in the body. So, is food established in food? He who knows that food is established in food becomes established. He becomes an eater of food, possessing food. He becomes great in offspring and cattle and in the splendour of sacred wisdom, great in fame. —— S. Radha Kriṣṇan kiṁca, dvārabhūtena Brahma vijñātaṁ yasmāt, tada saivaṁ Brahmavido vratam upadiśyate. vratopadeśo annastutaye, stutibhāktvaṁ ca annasya brahmopalabdhy upāyatvāt. prāṇo vā annam, śarīra antar bhāvāt prāṇasya – yad yasyāntaḥ pratiṣṭhitaṁ bhavati, tatitasya annaṁ bhavati śarīra ca prāṇaḥ pratiṣṭhitaḥ, tasmāt prāṇo ’nnaṁ, śarīram annādam. tathā śarīramapy annaṁ, prāṇo annādaḥ; kasmāt? prāṇo śarīraṁ pratiṣṭhatam - tannimittatvāc śarīrasthiteḥ. tasmāt tad etad ubahyaṁ śarīraṁ prāṇaś ca annam annādaś ca. yenānyeny asmin pratiṣṭhitaṁ, tena annam; yenānyonyasya pratiṣṭhā tena annādaḥ. tasmāt prāṇaḥ śarīraṁ cobhayam annam annādaṁ ca. sa ya evam etad annam anne pratiṣṭhitaṁ veda pratitiṣṭhaty annam annād ātmanaiva. kiṁ ca, annavān annādo bhavatītyādi pūrvavat. —— Śaṅkara

2.13.2. Food and Light and Water

अन्नं न परिचक्षीत। तद् व्रतम्। आपो वा अन्नम् । ज्योतिर् अन्नादम् । अप्सु ज्योतिः प्रतिष्ठितम्। ज्योतिश्य् आपः प्रतिष्ठिताः । तद् एतद् अन्नम् अन्ने प्रतिष्ठितम् । स य एतद् अन्नम् अन्ने प्रतिष्ठितं वेद प्रतितिश्ठति। अन्नवान् अन्नादो भवति। महान् भवति प्रजया पशुभिर् ब्रह्मवर्चसेन । महान् कीर्त्या ॥ १ ॥ annaṁ na paricakṣīta, tad Vratam, āpo vā annam, jyotir annādam, apsu jyotiḥ pratiṣṭhitam, jyotiṣy āpaḥ pratiṣṭhitāḥ, tad etad annam anne pratiṣṭhitam, sa ya etad annam anne pratiṣṭhitaṁ veda pratitiṣṭhati, annavān annādo bhavati, mahān bhavati prajayā paśubhir Brahma-varcasena, mahān kīrtyā. Do not despise food. That shall be the rule. Water, verily, is food. Light is the eater of food. Light is established in water; water is established in light. Thus, food is established in food. —— S. Radha Kriṣṇan annaṁ na paricakṣīta na parihareta. tad vrataṁ pūrvat stutyartham - tad evaṁ śubhāśubhakalpanayā ’parigṛhyamāṇaṁ - aparihrīyamāṇaṁ stutaṁ mahīkṛtam annaṁ syāt. evaṁ yathoktam utareṣv api āpo vā annam ityādiṣu yojayet. —— Śaṅkara

2.13.3. Food and Earth and Ether

अन्नं बहु कुर्वीत। तद् व्रतम् । पृथिवी वा अन्नम्। आकाशो ऽन्नादः । पृथिव्याम् आकाशः प्रतिष्ठितः । आकाशे पृथिवी प्रतिष्ठिता । तद् एतद् अन्नम् अन्ने प्रतिष्ठितम् । स य एतद् अन्नम् अन्ने प्रतिष्ठितं वेद प्रतितिश्ठति । अन्नवान् अन्नादो भवति । महान् भवति प्रजया पशुभिर् ब्रह्मवर्चसेन । महान् कीर्त्या ॥ १ ॥ annaṁ bahu kurvīta, tad vratam, pṛthivī vā annam, ākāśo’nnādaḥ, pṛthivyām ākāśaḥ pratiṣṭhitaḥ, ākāśe pṛthivī pratiṣṭhitā, tad etad annam anne pratiṣṭhitam, sa ya etad annam anne pratiṣṭhitaṁ veda pratitiṣṭhati, annavān annādo bhavati, mahān bhavati prajayā paśubhir Brahma-varcasena, mahān kīrtyā. Make for oneself much food. That shall be the rule. The earth, verily, is food, ether the eater of food. In the earth is or ether established, in ether is the earth established. Thus, food is established in food. He, who knows that food is established in food, becomes established. He becomes an eater of food, possessing food. He becomes great in offspring and cattle, and in the splendour of sacred wisdom, great in fame. —— S. Radha Kriṣṇan apsu jyotir iti abjyotiṣor annam annāda guṇatvena upāsakasya annasya bahukāraṇaṁ vratam. —— Śaṅkara The passages given are exactly translated into Tamiḻ by this Saṅgam poet sung in the context of the great battle of Talaiālaṅkānam in which the Pāṇḍya Neḍuñcheḻiyan killed thousands of lives. The poet warns the king “Don’t kill lives but help to produce and protect lives”. muḻaṅku munnīr muḻutum vaḷaī parantupaṭṭa viyal ñālam tāḷiṉ tantu tam pukaḻ niṟīi oru tām ākiya uravōr umpal oṉṟu pattu aṭukkiya kōṭi kaṭai irīiya perumaittu āka niṉ āyuḷ tāṉē nīr tāḻnta kuṟu kāñci pū katūum iṉa vāḷai nuṇ āral paru varāl kurūu keṭiṟṟa kuṇṭu akaḻi vāṉ uṭkum vaṭi nīḷ matil mallal mūtūr vaya vēntu ē cellum ulakattu celvam vēṇṭiṉum ñālam kāvalar tōḷ vali murukki oru nī ākal vēṇṭiṉum ciṟanta nal icai niṟuttal vēṇṭiṉum maṟṟu ataṉ takuti kēḷ iṉi mikutiyāḷa nīr iṉṟu amaiyā yākkaikku ellām uṇṭi koṭuttōr uyir koṭuttōrē uṇṭi mutaṟṟē uṇaviṉ piṇṭam uṇavu eṉappaṭuvatu nilattoṭu nīrē nīrum nilaṉum puṇariyōr īṇṭu uṭampuum uyirum paṭaitticiṉōrē vitti vāṉ nōkkum puṉpulam kaṇ akal vaippiṟṟu āyiṉum naṇṇi āḷum iṟaivaṉ tāṭku utavātuē ataṉāl aṭu pōr ceḻiya ikaḻātu vallē nilaṉ neḷi maruṅkil nīrnilai peruka taṭṭōr amma ivaṇ taṭṭōrē taḷḷātōr ivaṇ taḷḷātōrē --puṟam-18 முழங்கு முந்நீர் முழுதும் வளைஈ பரந்துபட்ட வியல் ஞாலம் தாளின் தந்து தம் புகழ் நிறீஇ ஒரு தாம் ஆகிய உரவோர் உம்பல் ஒன்று பத்து அடுக்கிய கோடி கடை இரீஇய பெருமைத்து ஆக நின் ஆயுள் தானே நீர் தாழ்ந்த குறு காஞ்சி பூ கதூஉம் இன வாளை நுண் ஆரல் பரு வரால் குரூஉ கெடிற்ற குண்டு அகழி வான் உட்கும் வடி நீள் மதில் மல்லல் மூதூர் வய வேந்தே செல்லும் உலகத்து செல்வம் வேண்டினும் ஞாலம் காவலர் தோள் வலி முருக்கி ஒரு நீ ஆகல் வேண்டினும் சிறந்த நல் இசை நிறுத்தல் வேண்டினும் மற்று அதன் தகுதி கேள் இனி மிகுதியாள் நீர் இன்று அமையா யாக்கைக்கு எல்லாம் உண்டி கொடுத்தோர் உயிர் கொடுத்தோரே உண்டி முதற்று ஏ உணவின் பிண்டம் உணவு எனப்படுவது நிலத்தொடு நீரே நீர் உம் நிலன் உம் புணரியோர் ஈண்டு உடம்பு உம் உயிர் உம் படைத்திசினோரே வித்தி வான் நோக்கும் புன்புலம் கண் அகல் வைப்பிற்று ஆயினும் நண்ணி ஆளும் இறைவன் தாட்கு உதவாதே அதனால் அடு போர் செழிய இகழாது வல்லே நிலன் நெளி மருங்கில் நீர்நிலை பெருக தட்டோர் அம்ம இவண் தட்டோரே தள்ளாதோர் இவண் தள்ளாதோரே -- புறம்-18 This is perhaps the earliest translation of the Taittirīya Upaniṣad, Bṛguvallī, in any regional language. This is an important illustration of Vedic Upaniṣad absorbed in earliest of Tamiḻ literature and expressed in lovely Tamiḻ. It is also unimpeachable evidence of amalgamation of Vedic and Tamiḻ culture. The poet has taken this passage and used it to tell the king “killing lives is not real victory but it is saving lives that are important”. Some of the expressions are undoubted parallels. Please see the use annaṁ anne pratiṣṭhitaṁ a rare but apparently mystical uttering rendered in Tamiḻ as uṇṭi mutaṟṟē uṇaviṉ piṇṭam. Also see āpo vā annam. rendered in Tamiḻ as uṇavu eṉappaṭuvatu nilattoṭu nīrē. Āpo vā annam jyoti is often said to be life. It is called vanhi śikhā. Jyoti in water is food, which is repeated in Nārāyaṇa Sūkta of the Veda. Jyoti is also called prāṇah. The Tamiḻ poem also speaks of body cannot be sustained without water - nīr iṉṟu amaiyā yākkaikku ellām. It speaks of water as the life principle, water is food, it creates body and life. This poem says those who give water create body and life, those who blend earth and water, give body and life, which is the message of this Upaniṣad. One of the words used frequently in this Upaniṣad is “pratiṣṭhitam” meaning established. The Tamiḻ verse uses words like niruttal and paḍaittal, puṇariyōr and paṭaitticiṉōr. The other important point that requires attention is that those who understand this truth will have long life, prosperity, progeny, intelligence, and great fame. annavān annādo bhavati, mahān bhavati, prajayā paśubhir, brahma varchasena, mahān kīrtyā. ciranta nallicai niruttal veṇḍiṉum, is mahān kīrtyā. cellum ulakattu celvam vēṇṭiṉum -- if you require wealth to go to heaven. The Upaniṣad says prajayā, paśu, Brahma varcas are required to go to the other world swargaloka. In Tamiḻ, jñālam kāvalar tōḷ vali murukki, oru nīyākal vēṇṭiṉum is the equivalent of mahān bhavati. At the end, those who increase water source are the givers of life, annaṁ bahu kurvīta is the beginning of this chapter of the Upaniṣad. There is little doubt that this Tamiḻ poem of Puṟanāṉūṟu is based on this Upaniṣad. This gives rise to many other important questions about Tamiḻ Society. This poem does not speak about heroism but aram, that is dharmam and this is included in puṟam. It is customary for some Tamiḻ scholars to classify puṟam poems as “heroic poetry”. This poem illustrates, as several other poems in these collections that include aṟam (dharma), poruḷ (artha), and vīḍu (mokṣa). This poem itself speaks of svargaloka, (cellum ulakam). There are some poems of this class which belong to tuṟai as poruḷ-vaḻik-kāñci category. They counsel wealth (artha). The Puṟanāṉūṟu anthology, therefore, consists of aṟam, poruḷ, vīḍu, while the iṉbam (kāmam) category of poems is included in the aham group of anthologies. Further, there are some poems in puṟam group included under the tiṇais categories of “vēttiyal” and “poduviyal”. These represent the court and common or public poems, respectively. I have shown elsewhere that the division of poems into court and common poems is also used in dance tradition (Chapter 4). In addition to the two categories of dance division as vēttiyal and poduviyal, the dance is also divided into ahak-kūttu and puṟak-kūttu as two major categories. The Tolkāppiyam in its chapter on ahat-tiṇai speaks of nāṭaka-vaḻakku and ulakiyal-vaḻakku dance tradition and worldly tradition. I have also shown that this categorization is after Bharata’s Nāṭya Śāstra as nāṭya-dharmi and loka-dharmi. Evidently, the categorization as aham and puṟam anthologies is everything to do with dance traditions. This poem also proves the Tamiḻ society is irrefutably based on the four "Puruṣārthas” (the four fundamental pillars dharma, artha, kāma, and mokṣa of the Vedic tradition. I may also point out as the puṟam poems include many verses on dharma, artha, and mokṣa, the compiler of the anthology called it puṟam (more accurately as puṟap-pāṭṭu and ahap-pāṭṭu) and not as heroic poetry - vīrap-pāṭṭu. Thus, puṟam as heroic poetry is not accurate.

2.14. Patiṟṟuppattu – Ten Tens

2.14.1. Vedic sacrifices by Cēra kings

Patiṟṟuppattu is one among the eight anthologies of Saṅgam poems. It consists of ten poems each, under each ten and so is called “Ten - tens”, out of which the first and the last tens have not been traced. The remaining eight tens have been critically edited by Dr. U.V. Swaminatha Ayyar. There is an ancient commentary on them that has also been included with his own comments by UVS. The date of this old commentary is not known but seems to be sufficiently old that it provides very valuable information. Each ten is on one particular Cēra ruler, his conquests, and the names of his parents, his personality, and the name of the poet who sang those poems. Obviously, there were ten poets who sang these poems on ten Cēra rulers. Among the names of the poets are Kapilar, Paraṇar, and other well-known Saṅgam poets. That the poems belong to the first two centuries of the common era is fully attested. Among the well-known rulers, Cēraṉ Seṅguṭṭuvaṉ appears as one of the rulers. The following are the Cēra rulers who are mentioned in the collection:

Neḍum Cēralāthaṉ
Palyānai-celkeḻu Kuṭṭuvaṉ
Nārmuḍic Ceral
Seṅguṭṭuvaṉ
Ādukotpattu Ceral Ādaṉ
Celvak Kaḍuṅgo Vāḻi Ādaṉ
Perum Ceral Irumporai

The first Cēra is Udiyaṉ Cēral Ādaṉ for he is mentioned as the father of Neḍum Cēralāthaṉ. From this, we know that these kings came to the throne one after the other. The poems give the poetic format musical tune in which it was to be sung, and the time measure of the song as tūkku as well. This information makes it clear these were musical compositions meant to be sung and danced. The following were the poets who sang the poems.

Not found thus far
Kumattūr Kaṇṇaṉār
Pālai Gautamaṉār
Kāppiyāṟṟūr kāppiyaṉār
Paraṇar
Naccellaiyār
Kapilar
Aricil kiḻār
Perumkuṉṟūr Kiḻār
Not found thus far

The gift of Brahmadāya villages to eminent Brāhmaṇas, was very popular in the Saṅgam age. It is attested by several recorded gifts in this Patiṟṟuppattu of the Saṅgam anthology. The first available poem is the patikam of the second pattu on the Cēra king Imaya-varambaṉ Neḍum Cēralāthaṉ who probably lived in the first century CE. Kumattūr Kaṇṇaṉār, a great Brāhmin Poet sang ten songs on the Cēra who was pleased to gift 500 villages in Umbar-kāḍu, as Brahmadāya. Besides, he gave a part of his royal revenue to this poet from his southern territories for 38 years. The tax collected by the king is called “Irai”. It was customary for the kings in later years to gift such revenues either in part or full, to either temple or learned men which were called irai-ili-nilam which literally means taxfree land. It does not mean no tax needs to be paid but that it needs to be paid to the donee. This method of honouring the donees was well established in the Saṅgam age which is evidenced by this gift of the Cēra. The next Cēra to be sung in the Patiṟṟuppattu collection was “Palyāṉai celkēḻu Kuṭṭuvaṉ”, by a Brāhmin poet, Pālai Gautamanār. The Cēra offered to Gautamanār whatever he wanted but the poet was more interested in performing Vedic sacrifices. He expressed his desire to do ten Vedic sacrifices to go to heaven, with his wife. So, with the king’s gifts and consulting expert Brāhmins in Vedic sacrifices, he performed nine great Vedic sacrifices, and at the tenth sacrifice, he disappeared into heaven. This episode is mentioned in the colophon of this ten. This poet Gautamanār begins his poem on the Cēra with the king’s performance of Vedic sacrifice. (For details of the poem see Gautamanār’s songs on the Cēra. PP. 46 to 50) The next Great Cēra to receive encomiums was Seṅguṭṭuvaṉ, the great conqueror and builder of a temple to Kaṇṇaki. In the main ten hymns, it is his conquest that had received attention. But in its colophon and in the Cilappatikāram, his expedition to the Himālayas to bring a sacred stone for carving an image of Kaṇṇaki, the consecration of her image in a temple received great praise. It is a Vedic culture to plant a stone and invoke the dead as a god of the descendants for prosperity. This goes by the name Pāṣāṇa sthāpana which is to be worshipped periodically and annually. The patikam holds that Seṅkuṭṭuvaṉ desired that no stone other than the one from the lofty sacred Himālayas, would be suited to the greatness and fame of Kaṇṇaki. It shows the deep-rooted faith in pāṣāna sthāpana of the Vedic tradition and the great sanctity attached to the Himālayas, among the early Saṅga Tamiḻs. The epic Cilappatikāram concludes that after building the temple for Kaṇṇaki and making provisions for her regular worship, Seṅguṭṭuvaṉ retired to the royal grove to perform the Rājasūya-yāga. This is firm proof that the greatest among the Cēras was a performer of Vedic sacrifice. These songs on Seṅguṭṭuvaṉ were sung by the greatest of Tamiḻ Brāhmin poets, Paraṇar. Seṅguṭṭuvaṉ honoured him with a gift of revenue from Umbar-kāḍu. Besides, he performed another gift of extraordinary significance. The patikam says he gifted his own son Kuṭṭuvaṉ Cēral to him which literarily means he was entrusted to him for education, training, and discipline. The young prince was to serve this Ācārya as his servant. The next Cēra to be praised in this collection of poems is called Āḍukotpāttuc Cēral Ādaṉ, by a woman poet Naccellaiyār who had the title Kākkaip-pāḍiṉi (who sang crows). She seems to be a Virali. In the colophon to the sixth tens, she mentions that this Cēra captured wild goats from the Daṇḍakāraṇya forest and gifted it in Toṇḍi a town on the west coast. He also gifted a village to the Brāhmaṇas (Pārppār) a village in the western country (kuḍa nāḍu). The seventh decade praises the Cēra who was Celvak Kaḍuṅgo vāḻi Ādaṉ. He is said to have obtained spiritual merits by gifting plenty of wealth to Brāhmins. He had performed rare and great Vedic sacrifices, as per the advice of Brāhmins, who were experts and masters of Dharma Śāstras. These Brāhmaṇas served as advisers to the king on judicial matters. The Cēra made these gifts by pouring water in their hands as prescribed in the Dharma Śāstras. According to the patikam, this king performed the Rājasūya yāga after defeating his enemy kings in battles and made all the gifts mentioned in the Dharma Śāstra, and also, he adored Kṛṣṇa with great faith in his heart. He gifted a village Ohandūr, yielding a variety of paddy especially recommended for offerings. Among the important lifestyle of the Vedic tradition the adoration of Dēvās, Ṛṣis, and ancestors (Pitṛs) is prescribed as obligatory rites. The Taittirīya Upaniṣad for example says one should not fail to perform the offerings to Dēvās, Ṛṣis and Ancestors Dēva-Ṛṣi-Pitṟ kāryābhyām na pramaditavyam. This Cēra ruler, Perum Cēral Irumporai performed these offerings regularly. These three worships are mentioned in the Patiṟṟuppattu poem. He performed Vedic sacrifices and fed the Devās accompanied by all his close relatives and friends. This is called Devakārya. He learned and regularly recited Vedas, which was his duty to the Ṛṣis, the originators of their family. This is Ṛṣikārya. By bringing forth children, he fulfilled his duty towards his ancestors in continuing the family thread. Thus, he had fulfilled all his spiritual duties on earth. These ten poems on Celvak kaḍuṅgo Vāḻi Ādaṉ were composed by the famous Brāhmin poet Kapilaṉ. In addition, the Cēra also faithfully worshipped his family deity, the Durgā on the Ayirai hill. It is possible that the Ayirai is a Prākṛt form of the Sanskrit word Āryā. Such prakṛtisation of “r” interchanging with the succeeding “r” preceding consonant is quite common as in the case of Caturvedi becoming Caruppedi in hundreds of documents. Also please note Āryaṉ is mentioned as “Ayyaṉ”. It is therefore possible the Āryā (Durgā) hill became Ayirai hill. Thus, Āryā and Ayirai are synonyms. Celvak Kaḍuṅgo Vāḻi Ādaṉ made an extraordinary gift to the poet Kapilaṉ. He gave 100,000 kāṇam gold pieces and was still not satisfied with his own gift, so, he climbed the nearby hill Navirā and gifted all the land he could see with his eyes. This was obviously the Brāhmadāya he gifted. (Kāṇam is a silver coin but gold, silver, and copper coins were generally called Poṉ, i.e., gold) This poem by Kapilar shows unmistakably the Tamiḻ kings were followers of the Vedic religion. Among the ten poems sung on Kōpperum Cēral Irumporai by Aricil kiḻār the 4th song (no. 74) is important. It gives more details about how the king performed different austerities prior to the performance of the Vedic sacrifice. At first, he consulted Vedic scholars about which Vedic sacrifice he should perform and its procedure. Before performing any Vedic sacrifice, one must undertake some discipline like fasting, sleeping on the floor and rejecting pleasures, etc,., for a stipulated number of days. The king followed these stipulations strictly and embarked on doing the sacrifice. His rightful wife who was equal to Goddess Lakṣmī in beauty and chastity dressed herself with a specially prepared leather of a spotted deer. The dress was cut in the form of an eagle and its edges were decorated with pearls and corals from the villages Koḍumaṇam and Pandar, (then famous for these gems) and decorated with sharp iron implements. The wife of the king should wear this leather of a deer while doing the Yāga. It was believed that the child conceived in her womb will be an excellent and competent progeny to rule the country. While this leather dress is worn by his wife, his priest will chant the appropriate hymn that would stabilise the dress properly. The king by following all these rites performed the sacrifice and begot a valorous son. The poet says that, “You have fulfilled all of life’s achievements. I am not surprised at all by these. But your fully learned priest who is known for his sterling qualities and manners is now old with hairs grown silver, and white. You had told the priest that strength, great fame, prosperity, progeny, and divinity are appropriate only for those who relinquish these and undertake penance and so requested him to guide you to relinquish all these and show the path to the forest to do penance. I am surprised at your wisdom and request (to undertake the life of Vānaprastha life in the forest)”. It is an example of a great king who had conquered many battles, established name, fame, and prosperity of his country and begot a son through his rightful wife who was capable of continuing his family, duly decided to relinquish all attachments and retire to forest asking his priest to accompany him to the forest and guide him in his spiritual life. The Tamiḻ kings of the Saṅgam age after effective rule preferred to follow the Vedic Vānaprastha Āśrama. This illustrates the kings were followers of Varṇāśrama dharma. We have an important inscription at a place called Pukaḷūr where three generations of Cēra kings are mentioned. The three kings mentioned are Kōpperum Cēral Irumporai, his son Perum Kaḍuṅgkoṉ, and his son Iḷam Kaḍuṅgo. It is possible the names Kaḍuṅgo was their personal name and Cēral Irumporai was his royal title assumed when he ascended the throne. This Perum Cēral Irumporai was probably the second king of the inscription sung by the poet Arisil Kiḻār. He must be assigned to the end of the 2nd century CE. The king Irumporai presented to this poet 900,000, gold pieces (kāṇam), and he with his queen stepped out of their palace and offered the throne to the poet. However, the poet requested him to occupy the throne and rule the country as before. Such was the reverence and faith the Tamiḻ kings had towards Vedic Brāhmaṇas. The last of the Cēra to be seen in this anthology is Iḷam Cēral Irumporai. Probably identical to the third king mentioned in Pukaḷūr record. He is said to have had Maiyūr kiḻān as his Minister. He was sung by the poet Perumkuṉṟūr Kiḻār. This king is said to have performed Śānti (Vedic sacrifice) as prescribed in the text which he consulted. The king rewarded this poet with 32,000 gold pieces and gifted without the knowledge of the poet a village, house, and a vast cultivable wetland and necessary protection. This seems to be an Ekabhōga Brahmādāya. We may take one song from this group for understanding Saṅgam age Kingship and disposition. The first song in the ten of tens is on Palyānai celkeḻu Kuṭṭuvaṉ, sung by Pālai Gautamaṉār. The colophon confirms he was a Brāhmin. According to the ancient commentator this poem describes the king’s rulership of his country. This is an important source for understanding the ideal kingship of ancient Tamiḻ kings, and how they ruled their country. First, the poet describes the qualifications and nature of the king. In the second and third verses, the poet describes the king’s daily routines and worship of gods. The poet knew that the king regularly fed his visiting guests. In the fourth verse, the poet describes how the King led his war elephants to the battlefields, conquered his enemies, and captured immense wealth and distributed them to His people. Then, the poet deals with how the King protected his forest dwellers, warrior class, and cultivators. At the end, the poet describes how the King lived happily with his wife and praises him to live long. Thus, we see it is almost the regular life of ancient Tamiḻ kings which would come as a surprise to many who have whimsical ideas about Tamiḻ kings. The poem is studied here in parts. The first part says the king cultivated the following five Col, Peyar, Nāṭṭam, Kēḷvi, and Neñcam and holding on to them as his strength he lived a flawless life. The knowledge of these five words is essential for our understanding of kingship qualities. Col literally means “words” but in the context, it stands for the meaning of words and their use as prescribed in the classical texts. It means proper words should be used in administration and justice. The commentator says it relates to col ilakkaṇa nūl. The second word Peyar stands for political science – Artha Śastra which is mentioned as poruḷ. The commentator says it stands for poruḷ Nāṭṭam is jyotiḍam, astronomy which is required for performing daily rites. Kēḷvi stands for the Vedas that is Śruti. Citing this passage Nacciṉārkkiṉiyar, the famous commentator says that it stands for Vedas. U.V. Swaminatha Ayyar states it is evidence of Tamiḻ kings studying the Vedas in ancient days. A footnote also says it points to the ṣaḍaṅgas learned by the kings of the Tamiḻ land. It says the words col, peyar, nāṭṭam, and kēḷvi indicate knowledge in Vedic aṅgas as prātiśākhyas¹⁸. Neñcam stands for control of senses. It is solid proof of the Tamiḻ kings of the Saṅgam age being Vaidikas, followers of Vedic culture. This part of the poem also says that following these paths the king led a flawless life which is mentioned as his ideal (vedam cūḻntu vilaṅgiya koḷkai). The second part of the poem asserts that he followed regularity, like the sun rising every morning; he performed two kinds of Vedic sacrifices on daily basis, the first one he performed is in the Vedic fire, a vēḷvi sacrifice as guided by the Brāhmaṇas, who invoked the presence of gods always, by pouring āhuti in the flames of the fires. The lines say the true hymns of perfect Vedas. This is the first āhuti. சீர் சால் வாய்மொழி உருகேள்வி மரபின் கடவுள் பேணுனர் கொண்ட தீயின் சுடர் எழுதோறும் விசும்பு மெய் பரந்த பெரும் பெயர் ஆவுதி cīr cāl vāymoḻi urukēḷvi marapiṉ kaṭavuḷ pēṇuṉar koṇṭa tīyiṉ cuṭar eḻutōṟum vicumpu mey paranta perum peyar āvuti The second sacrifice the king performed was also called a vēḷvi, called āhuti of feeding guests sumptuously with cooked meat brought by the butcher, with the smoke emanating from cooking the meat rising from the oven and reaching sky to the delight of the gods, who permanently reside there. செழு நகர் நடுவண் அடுமை எழுந்த அடு நெய் ஆவுதி இரண்டு உடன் கமழும் நாற்றமொடு, வானத்து நிலைபெறு கடவுளும் விழைதகப் பேணி ceḻu nagar naṭuvaṇ aṭumai eḻunta aṭu nei āvuti iranṭu udan kamaḻum vānattu nilaipera kaḍavuḷ pēṇī This smoke is called āhuti because the feeding of guests is called a Veda Yajña. The Veda stipulates five vēḷvis called pañca-mahā-yajñas, viz., dēva-yajña (sacrifice to the gods), ṛṣi-yajña (sacrifice to the sages), pitṛ-yajña, (sacrifice to the dead ancestors), atithi-yajña (feeding guests) and paśu-yajña (feeding other living beings like animals, birds, reptiles etc). Then the king is said to march his elephant carps. The elephants cause havoc in enemy camps intoxicated by drinking liquor and devastating the battlefield. This gave rise to victorious shouts, and the king received heaps of wealth which he was pleased to donate to his people. Traditionally, the treasures captured by the king in battle belonged to the victorious king who had the right to gift it to others. The next act of the king is to protect the cowherds of the uplands who rear cattle in the grazing grounds, and he moves around the rocky upland wearing leather footwear and collects plenty of precious gems. This act of him gives protection to the Gopālās, cowherds. The king similarly protected warrior tribes (probably the hills) called Maḻavar. He also protected the cultivators up to the border of the high hill called Ayirai by the side of which were vast wetlands with water in which the Ayirai fish swam unmindful of cranes hovering around. This act of him illustrated his benign protection not only to the cultivators but also to fish in the fields. Finally, the king is praised for leading a very happy life with his charming wife whose tresses of hair were beautified with ever-smelling jasmine (mullai) flowers. Her bamboo-like shoulders were as cool as the waters of a pond. Thus, the poet Pālai Gautamaṉār, shows that king Palyānai celkeḻu Kuṭṭuvaṉ protects every section of his subjects and says, “live you king, live for thousand years in this happy way”. The main point is that the king had two important duties, to protect all his subjects, and worship the gods in sacrificial fire with the guidance of Vedic Brāhmaṇas. The poet begins his poem with Vedic knowledge the king had acquired and also practiced as stipulated in them on a regular basis. Please note that the performance of Vedic sacrifice in the fire, as the regular form of worship of Gods, was a daily routine of the Tamiḻ king. This is a fine example of a poem by an early Saṅgam poet giving a succinct description of an ancient Tamiḻ kingship. The attention of the writers who hold that Tamiḻ lived independently of other Indian languages and had there been Vedic priests in Tamiḻnaḍu, they would not have allowed Tamiḻ to flourish, seem to be totally unfounded. One extremist who met me said: “Yes, what all you say is correct. But you see, they were all Cēras and are Keralites and not Tamiḻs, and so we should not study Patiṟṟup-pattu.” The Cēras were sung in all early Tamiḻ poems as the first among the crowned kings of the Tamiḻs: Cēra, Cōḻas, and Pāṇḍyas. The Cōḻa Peruṉarkiḷḷi and Pāṇḍya Peruvaḻuti were also Tamiḻ kings, performers of Vedic sacrifices. All other kings were also said to have performed Vēḷvis. The sober Tamiḻ people reject these fellows and consider them as incurable madmen. The poems Patiṟṟup-pattu are in the Tamiḻ language. All known sources call them the Tamiḻs.

2.15. Pattu Pāṭṭu

Out of the ten great anthologies of Saṅgam Tamiḻ poems, the Ten Idyls as they are called, consist of ten long poems, the other anthologies consist of eight books of several poems. The Ten idyls and the authors of these ten poems are as follows.

Tiru-murugāṟṟu-paḍai — by Nakkīrar
Ciru-pāṇāṟṟup-paḍai — Iḍaikkalināttu Nallūr Nattattanār
Perum-pāṇāṟṟup-paḍai — by Kaḍiyalūr Rudran Kaṇṇanār
Porunarāṟṟup-paḍai — Mudattāmak kanniyār
Mullaip pāṭṭu — Ponvāṇikaṉ Nakkaṉ Nappūtanār
Maduraik-kāñci — Māṅgudi Marudaṉ
Neḍunal-vāḍai — Nakkīrar
Kuriñci-pāṭṭu — Kapilar
Paṭṭinap-pālai — Rudram Kannanār
Malai kaḍām-pāṭṭu — Iranyamuṭṭatu pūdaṉ Kaṇṇanār

Unlike the aham and puṟam genres of poems, these ten poems are essentially grouped based on large number of lines that constitute each poem. The first poem is made to lead the group because it deals with Lord Muruga and so would fall under what is called Dēvapāṇi - prayer. All ten songs have descriptions of the fivefold classification of landscapes as cultivated region, coastal region, forest region, hilly region, and desert region. The poems also describe the environment and lifestyles of the people and conform to a certain structure, suggested by the Tamiḻ grammar Tolkāppiyam, and in that sense are creative poems and not historical narratives. The poems Mullaip-pāṭṭu, Kuruñci-pāṭṭu, Neḍunal-vāḍai, and even Paṭṭinap-pālai, are essentially aham poems, with the main aim of delineating Śṛṅgāra (amorous) sentiment and are creative poems. The four “āṟṟup-paḍai” poems like Tiru-murugāṟṟup-paḍai, Ciru-pāṇāṟṟup-paḍai, Perum-pāṇāṟṟup-paḍai and Porunar-āṟṟup-paḍai are directing the Bāṇan or minstrels to a patron, to receive sumptuous gifts. In that sense, they are also creative poetry. The poem Maduraik-kāñci falls under the category of “learned counsel” kāñci. The Neḍunal-vāḍai is considered a poem of "Vāhai” category it is also essentially a poem on Śṛṅgāra theme. The poem “Malai-paḍu-kaḍām” is a puṟam poem directing Bāṇars to go to a patron for receiving gifts and hence would fall under the category of puṟam poem. Though some may refer to historical persons and their conquests, the poems are purely imaginary events and so should not be misunderstood as actual history. Within this limitation, they do give us a glimpse into the life of the people and their faiths that existed around first - second century CE. One thing that stands out is that though they deal with all sections of the society including - hill tribes, hunters, forest dwellers, cultivators, fishermen, and others, the terrific battlefield, and the king’s conquests. They do not fail to mention in all the poems, the Vedic Brāhmaṇas as part of the society, indicating that their presence as honest guides to all people, especially in the field of dharma and so were respected. In fact, in one of the poems, Antaṇar / Brāhmaṇas advised the kings to control their anger and helped them achieve great fame. Vedic sacrifices were quite common and the kings considered their victories and achievements as successful sacrifices. As these poems describe the sacrifices in northern, central, and southern parts of Tamiḻnāḍu, the presence of Vedic Brāhmaṇas is fully attested throughout Tamiḻnāḍu. We may examine a few passages from these poems to understand the Vedic nature of these poems. At first it is necessary to state, that out of the poets who composed these ten poems “five” were Brāhmins - Māṅguḍi Marutaṉ, Kapilar, Perum-Kaucikaṉ, Rudraṉ-Kaṇṇaṉār, and Nakkīrar. The last has mentioned Agastya, Kapilar, and Paranaṉ who should be considered either earlier or contemporaries. Lord Kumāra is described in Tiru-murug-āṟṟuppaḍai, as Ṣanmukha/Kārtikeya endowed with six faces. One of his faces is said to appear as the sun, spreading thousands of rays to illuminate the universe. The second face fulfills the prayers of his devotees. The third protects the Vedic sacrifices performed as stipulated in the Vedas in blemish-less sequences by Antaṇar / Vedic Brāhmaṇas. Another face protects the Brāhmaṇas following the philosophy enunciated in the Vedas and in other schools of thought. The fifth face annihilates the demons and the sixth lovingly caresses the face of Vaḷḷi, the huntress girl. This passage points out that Kumāra is identical to Savitā, since he protects the Vedic sacrifices performed by the Antaṇar, and protects the Tapasvins who followed the systems expounded in the Vedas and the followers of other schools of thought. The victory he gained against the demons is also called marak-kaḷa veṟṟi. The sixth one though fondles the face of the huntress Vaḷḷi, it is a form of marriage “kaḷavu” which is one of the Vedic forms. So, all the six faces perform functions of Vedic culture. Among the twelve hands of Kumāra one is said to be near his chest. It was meant to suggest teaching supreme philosophical truth to the sages. It may be mentioned that in early sculptures assignable to the 2nd / 3rd century CE, the image of Buddha is shown with his hand on his chest as a mark of teaching. It is different from the dharma chakra mudrā, where both the front arms are near the chest in what is called chin mudrā. The teaching pose of chin mudrā also known as vyākhyāna mudra, is seen in Dakṣiṇāmūrti images. This seems to suggest that the iconography of teaching Subrahmaṇya is an early tradition. In Tiru-murugāṟṟup-padai we have a complete description of worship of Kārthikēya/Kumāra. It may be divided into two major parts, one worship by Vedic Brāhmaṇas and the other by tribal men of the hill, both being in striking contrast to each other. But what is significant is Kumāra is conceived as the god of Vedic Brāhmaṇas and so came to be called “Subrahmaṇya”. The poem starts from Tirup-param-kuṉṟam, a famous pilgrim centre on one side of Madurai, and ends with the hill Paḻamudir-cōlai, on the other side of Madurai. It is also a famous pilgrim centre. Both these hills are famous for the temple of Muruga being known even from the Saṅgam age. Paḻamudir-cōlai is also famous for temples of Kṛṣṇa and Balarāma from early times. “Tiru-murugāṟṟup-padai” is a poem directing a minstrel to go to the hill of Paḻam-utir-cōlai, (the grove where ripe fruits fall naturally from the trees) after passing through five other (here) abodes of Muruga, (the last destination is called Aḻagar hill in modern times. The other centres of Muruga are Tirup-param-kuṉṟam (near Madurai), Tiruc-cir-alaivāy (the mouth of sacred waves — now called Tiruccendur Tiru-ēraham (now called Virāli-malai) in Pāṇḍināḍu, Cenkoḍu now called Tiruc-cenkōḍu, near Erode, Tiru-āvi-nankuḍi now called Paḻani in Koṅgunāḍu, and Paḻam-udir-cōlai (now a part of Aḻakar malai). The one called “Kunḍru-tōr-āḍal” means manifesting in all hills. In ancient tradition hill and its surroundings were called Kuruñci landscape, and the presiding deity is recognized as Muruga/Kumāra, the lord of hunters. Another reason for associating Kumāra with the hills. Śiva, the Lord of the hill, Himālayas, and Kumāra’s mother Uma, the daughter of Himavān the hill, both being inhabitants of hills. He was born on the hill, in a pond Saravaṇa. So, his habitat was also on hill slopes. Śiva appeared as a hunter and Pārvati appeared as a huntress, accompanying him. She is often seen carrying his child (Skanda) on her lap portrayed in many sculptures. Thus, Skanda Kumāra is the child of a hunter parents at the mundane level. So, he is also visualized as a hunter marrying the hunter girl Vaḷḷi through kaḷavu marriage. As a divine child, he married the daughter of Indra, Dēvayāni through the kaṟpu form of marriage of the Brāhmaṇas. The poem starts with Kumāra’s kaṟpu wife, Dēvayāni, the divine daughter which is described as Dharmic wife (maruil karpil vān nudal kaṇavaṉ). It is a marriage consummated by Vedic rites. We may say this first poem of the ten idyl starts with Vedic tradition. Secondly, the poem likens Muruga to the rising the sun/Savitā of the Vedic Brāhmaṇas, which spreads resplendent light throughout the world. So, Dēva-Kumāra Subrahmaṇya spreads knowledge to all. This poem was composed by the famous poet Nakkīrar, the son of Kaṇakkāyanār of Madurai. He belongs to Kaṇakkaṉ family and a Brāhmaṇa by birth. Besides this poem Tiru-murugāṟṟup-paḍai, he also wrote another long poem Neḍunal-vāḍai. There are over thirty-five poems in Saṅgam collections like Naṟṟinai, aham and so on. His poetic lines are cited by other Saṅgam poets. He has sung several famous kings of the Saṅgam age, like Karikāla Cōḻa, Kiḷḷi-vaḷavaṉ, Pāṇḍya who conquered Talaiyālaṅkāṉam and many other chieftains. He was a great scholar both in Tamiḻ and Sanskrit and was an expert musician. According to one legend one Kuyakkoṇḍāṉ spoke disparagingly about Tamiḻ and praised the superiority of Sanskrit. In order to teach him a lesson he sang a Tamiḻ poem, as a result Kuyakkoṇḍāṉ died. At the request of Śiva, he sang another poem and brought him back to life. Aruṇagirināthar, the mediaeval poet of “thiruppukaḻ” fame, calls Nakkīrar a singer of the Veda with Gīta. There are many legends about him, and he is deified in the temple of Madurai. As he exhibits his knowledge of Vedas, Purāṇas, and several northern traditions, he is considered a great scholar of both North and Southern languages. In Tiru-murugāṟṟup-paḍai he refers to the purānic legend of the birth of Skanda Kumāra. According to this legend, Indra, requested Lord Śiva not to beget a child through Pārvati, as he would become his rival to which Śiva agreed. Śiva courted Pārvati and did not allow his seed on her, instead gave it to Indra. As Indra was unable to bear it, he gave it to the seven sages. The seven sages unable to bear its heat put it in the fire of sacrificial altars. The sacrificial altars in the form of square, triangles, and semicircles were considered the forms of Śiva. These were the Āhavanīyam⁴, Gārhapatya⁵, and Dakṣiṇāgni⁶, of the Vedic fires. The six wives of the sages, leaving Arundati, took the seed given to them by their husbands from the Vedic fires, conceived and gave birth to six children - boys on the pond called Saravaṇa, in the Himālayas. Indra got worried and decided to kill the babies. The six babies united into one form and fought with Indra, who was defeated and disgraced. That is how Skanda came to have one body and six heads. He became Ṣaṇmukha and went on to destroy the demon Sūrapadma. The allusion to this puraṇic myth of Ṣanmukha’s birth, shows the birth of Kumāra is a Vedic myth and Kumāra came to be called "Brahmaṇya Dēva”. It is known that Yaudeyas of the Punjab region, who ruled themselves as a republic in the 2nd and 1st century BCE, issued coins with six headed Kumāra on the obverse of their coins and were the votaries of Brahmaṇya Dēva. The performers of Vedic sacrifices were called Brahmaṇyas. For example, the early Pallavas of Kāñci, who were performers of Vedic sacrifices as Agniṣṭhoma, Vājapeya and Aśvamedha, called themselves as Brahmaṇyas. There is a recitation at the end of Vedic sacrifices, recited loudly “Subrāhmaṇyoham, Subrāhmaṇyoham, Subrāhmaṇyoham”. This chant is repeated three times to claim the stage of Brahmaṇya. It is clear from the above that, Kumāra is introduced as Brahmaṇya Dēva in this poem by Nakkīrar shows the place of Vedic tradition in the Saṅgam age. Speaking about one of the six faces, Nakkīrar says. ஒரு முகம் மந்திர விதியுன் மரபுளி வழா oru mukam mantira vitiyuṉ marapuḷi vaḻā அந்தணர் வேள்வி ஓர்க்கும் — 94-96 antaṇar vēḷvi ōrkkum — 94-96 One face protected the yāgas, performed by Antaṇar (Vedic Brāhmaṇas) who never deviated from the procedures of sacrifice stipulated in the Vedic Mantras — hymns. The Vedas consisting of mantras prescribe how each sacrifice should be performed. It is obligatory to conform fully to all the prescriptions for the fulfillment of the sacrifice. Any omission will result in calamities. One face of Ṣaṇmukha protects the performer from any slip and enables him to obtain fruition. Protection of Vedic sacrifices is an important function of Lord Kumāra, which is alluded to here. The commentator Nacciṉārkkiṉiyar defines "Antaṇar” as those who analyse “the end of Vedas”, that is Vedantins. This definition of Vedantins is “antam aṇavuvār” is mentioned in many ancient texts like Maduraikāñci line 474, those who study Vedanta all the time ( vētattai ekkālattup pārppar - வேதத்தை எக்காலத்துப் பார்ப்பர்). Also, see the Kalittokai — கடவு.1.3. அந்தத்தை அணவுவார் அந்தணர் என்றது வேதாந்தையே பொருள் என்று மேற்கொண்டு பார்ப்பார் என்றவாறு (கலி. கடவு1.3) antattai aṇavuvār antaṇar eṉṟatu vētāntaiyē poruḷ eṉṟu mēṟkoṇṭu pārppār eṉṟavāṟu The Vedantins were great votaries of Kumāra/Ṣaḍānana reflected in this passage. Nakkīrar describing the worship of Kumāra gives another aspect of Vedic Brāhmaṇa at Tiru-āvi-ṉaṉkuḍi, Paḻani (l.137). It speaks of Munis (sages) wearing barks, as garments. Their hairs had turned silvery, as they bathed frequently; their bodies were free of dust. They wore the leather of blackbucks. Because of frequent observances of fasting and penance, they appeared like skeletons. They also observed monthly fasting. They were greatly learned and were leaders among the learned. They had controlled their sex, anger, desires etc. They are free from worries though they have physical sufferings because of these severe penances. Āviṉaṉkuḍi also furnishes details about the gods and goddesses of Vedic lore in an interesting myth. When Kumāra achieved great victories, the king of Gods, Indra gave his daughter in marriage to him. At that congregation, Kumāra said that he owed his success and victories to his spear. Brahmā, who was by his side, said that it was he who gave that power to the spear. Kumāra, who was irked by this impertinent remark of the Creator, cursed him to be born on earth. As Brahmā lost his power of creation, Viṣṇu had no work of protection and Śiva lost his power of dissolution so all the three gods, came to Aviṉaṉkuḍi where Kumāra manifested with his chaste wife Devayānai. Viṣṇu came on his Garuḍa with Lakṣmi by his side. Śiva, the destroyer of three cities came on his white bull, with his consort Uma by his side. Indra who had performed 100 Vedic sacrifices and also had 1000 eyes on his body, came on his mammoth elephant with four tusks, the 33 dēvatās consisting of eleven Rudras, twelve Ādityas, eight Vasus and the two Asvini devatas. The 18 gaṇas like Devas, Asuras, Daityas, Arudas, Gandharva, Yakṣas, Kinnaras, Kimpuruṣas, Vinayakas, Rākṣasas, Siddhar, Cāraṇas, Pisācas, Tārāgaṇas (the cluster of Stars), Narakas, Ākāśavāsīs and others came. There are some variations in the name says the commentator. All kings came to adore Kumāra at Āviṉaṉkuḍi where he manifested with his spotless chaste wife to have their function restored. This description of the devatās shows the full compliments of Vedic deities, recognized and adored in the Saṅgam Tamiḻnāḍu. In the hill of Ēraham is described the complete lifestyle of the Vedic Brāhmaṇas. They are said to be descendants of most ancient gōtras on both their fathers and mothers’ side (the Kauṇḍinya gōtra, says the commentator) and receive the praise of all. They strictly followed the six-fold observances of their life like, 1) learning, 2) teaching, 3) performing Vedic sacrifices, 4) guiding others to do Vedic sacrifices, 5) making gifts, and 6) receiving gifts. We may say these are the professions of the Brāhmaṇas. They studied Vedas and spent 48 years of their youth hood in that study as stipulated in the Vedas. They are ever engaged in expounding the principles stipulated in dharma Śāstras, they constantly performed the sacrifices Āhavanīyam, Gārhapatya and Dakṣiṇāgni, in square, triangle and semicircular altars daily, which they cherished as their wealth. They are called twice borns or Antaṇar, one birth prior to upavita rites and the second after upavīta ceremony. They also wore upavīta consisting of nine threads and a waist thread. They washed their clothes in running water and wore them wet on their body. They clasped their hands above their heads and recited the Vedic Mantra called Ṣaḍākṣari which the commentator explains as Om Namo Kumārāyai. They recited their mantra loudly and offered fragrant flowers with their hands. The other parts of this poem deal in great detail the worship of Muruga, by musicians and dancers and also hill tribes that consisted of velaṉ veṟiyāḍal, and so on. We need not pursue that study here. It is sufficient to say this text gives us a picture of not only Vedic Brāhmaṇas but also other hill people, and so on who were guided by the Vedic tradition which was fully established in Tamiḻnaḍu in the Saṅgam age.

2.16. Aiṅkuṟunūṟu

2.16.1. Five hundred small poems

Aiṅkuṟunūṟu is an anthology of 500 short verses of the Saṅgam age, dealing with five classified lifestyles of the people in the aham genre of kāmam/śṛṅgāra rasa and is a very interesting collection from some points of Tamiḻ studies. The work was published by the great doyen of Tamiḻ literature, Dr. U.V. Swaminatha Ayyar in the year 1903. Seven reprints of the work have appeared since then which shows its importance. Dr. Ayyar has given valuable information about the work and its publication. The length of the verses ranges from three to six lines and are divided five tiṇais, like kuruñci, mullai, marutam, neital, and pālai. There is no logic in the order of this arrangement says Dr. Ayyar, though some logic may be attributed to the first three tiṇais, but it means nothing. Each tiṇai has one hundred verses, each on one theme and sung by one poet. Thus, five poets have sung this whole group. Their names are: -

Ōram pōkiyār
Āmmūvaṉār
Kapilar
Ōtal Āntaiyār and
Pēyaṉār

The work, collected as an anthology by one Kūḍalūr Kiḻār, an expert in Pulat-tuṟai, meaning dance (as known from pula-neṟi-vaḻakkam) at the instance of the Cēra ruler Yānaikkat-cēy-māntaram-cēral-irumporai, a king of the Saṅgam age. Evidently, the anthology came into existence by the 2nd century CE. It has a prayer addressed to Lord Śiva at the beginning by Perum Dēvaṉār, who sang the Mahābhārata in Tamiḻ. Besides Aiṅkuṟunūṟu, Perum-Dēvanār has added a prayer song to Akanāṉūṟu, Puṟanāṉūṟu, Naṟṟiṇai, and Kuruṅtokai, all anthologies of the Saṅgam age. The prayer song in Kuruṅtokai is dedicated to Murugaṉ, the one in Naṟṟiṇai is dedicated to Viṣṇu and the other three to Śiva. Interestingly he has sung these poems in the same meter and number of lines as the respective poems in the anthology. The poem in this collection is in three lines. The king Māntaraṉ Cēral Irumporai was a king of the Saṅgam age and is considered as one of the kings of the 3rd Saṅgam age. He is sung by this poet Kūḍalūr Kiḻār. It is seen from a Puṟanāṉūṟu poem that Māntaram Cēral lost a battle with the Pāṇḍya, the victor of Talaiālaṅkānam and was imprisoned. But he managed to escape from the prison and returned to his kingdom and assumed his original power, an event mentioned by one Kuruṅ kōḻiyūr Kiḻār. The Pāṇḍya who imprisoned him was an early king of the Saṅgam age as he was sung by many poets like Paraṇar, Māṅguḍi kiḻār, Nakkīrar, Iḍaikkunṟūr Kiḻār, Madurai Kanakāyaṉār, Kallādanār and others. It seems he was a great conqueror who defeated and captured the wealth of many kings but when he was imprisoned, those who lost their wealth to him were happy, but their joy was short-lived. By a clever manipulation, he escaped from the prison and returned to his rule like a great elephant that entered a trap and fell into a huge pit but soon walked out of it by destroying the pit. Later Kūḍalūr Kiḻār the compiler of the Aiṅkuṟunūṟu sang a poem on him which is included in the Puṟanāṉūṟu collection no. 229. The beginning of the poem gives some astronomical data and says on a day when the star Uttaram reached its height (in conjunction with the full moon) and started moving away, the poet noticed a shooting star falling from the sky. It was a bad omen, foretelling some terrible calamity for the ruling king. He and his relatives were worried anticipating some untoward event likely to fall. On the seventh day, as expected he heard the shocking news that his king was dead. His elephant fell dead with its trunk lying motionless on the ground. His war drum was torn. His royal parasol was scattered with its pole cut to pieces. His speeding horses lay motionless. The king had died leaving his dear queens and other maids weeping. The celestial women caught hold of him and were carrying him to heaven. The Poet and his followers could not forget this shocking scene. The poem does not say in clear terms how the king died but indicates that he met with heroic death in a battle for he was carried to heaven by divine damsels, a faith that heroes upon death in battle reach heaven accompanied by Apsaras. So, it is evident the Cēra Māntaram Cēral died in a battle. The poet who sang this event was the same who compiled this Aiṅkuṟunūṟu anthology. As it was commissioned by this king, this anthology should have been compiled before the king’s death. We have seen this anthology consists of 500 verses divided into five groups of hundred verses each, dealing with five tiṇais: kuruñci, mullai, marutam, neital, and pālai landscape. These groups of 100 each are further formed by ten poems of ten verses each. So, they are called “tens” (pattu). Each pattu makes use of one poetic device of word which is repeated in all the ten verses for example one ten uses the word peacock, mayil. That is repeated in all the ten verses; similarly, another ten uses the word parrot, kiḷi, in all the ten verses, a third uses the word seagull in all ten verses; a fourth uses monkey in all ten verses and a fifth uses pig in all the ten verses. This device is to compare the behavior or character of the hero with that of the bird or animal in a subtle way. Virtually these form a method of metaphor upamā, a mode of expression. It is called in poetics an alamkāra and as it is not an explicit comparison but a very subtle comparison. It is called in Tamiḻ poetics as "uḷ-urai uvamam”. uvamam is upamā of the Sanskrit tradition. It is important to note that Bharata, in his Nāṭya Śāstra, discusses poetic embellishment under the term Upamāna. He recommends the use of birds, such as the peacock and parrot, and animals like the monkey and pig for comparison. It is known that all the Tamiḻ Saṅgam poems were based on the grammar Tolkāppiyam. I have demonstrated that Tolkāppiyam follows Bharata’s Nāṭya Śastra.¹⁹. This group of Aiṅkuṟunūṟu serves as a good example of Bharata’s tradition. Besides this Alamkāra tradition, the Aiṅkuṟunūṟu poems also employ another device in all the ten verses, addressing either “mother”, or foster mother, or the girl companion of the heroine or a wandering Bāṇan. Even some actions like “coming” varavu etc., is employed in similar fashion. In this sense, this Aiṅkuṟunūṟu collection is an interesting anthology in the Tamiḻ Saṅgam group. All the ten verses in the first ten of Aiṅkuṟunūṟu begin with the words Vāḻi Ādaṉ Vāḻi Avini, i.e., “hail Ādan hail Avini”. Ādaṉ is a family title of the Cēras; Avini is his personal name. So, the first ten verses praise the Cēra, “Ādaṉ Avini”. Evidently, he was the patron of the first ten poems dealing with Marutam, in this collection. It is possible that either he is identical with Māntaraṉ Cēral Irumporai or a close relative, for the first ten appear as the vāḻttu praise of the whole anthology. There is a tradition in Tamiḻ literature, that neither the name of the hero nor the name of the heroine should be mentioned in the aham group of poems. So, Ādaṉ Avini could not be the hero of the poem, but the patron of the poet Ōram pōkiyār. It is clear from these poems that there were patrons in the Saṅgam age who encouraged poets to write such creative poems which could be sung and danced by dancing. The song and dance were to be witnessed by the kings and chieftains during their erotic sports in what is called paṇṇai in the poruḷ-adhikāram of Tolkāppiyam. Thus, we can say all the aham poems of the Saṅgam age, are not spontaneous poems but structured classical poems conforming to grammatical formats based on Tolkāppiyam. As has been shown by me, Tolkāppiyam followed Bharata’s Nāṭya Śāstra. These poems were composed by poets for Paṇṇai-viḷaiyāṭṭu (erotic sports) of Meypāṭṭiyal (Chapter on Rasa). Secondly the Aiṅkuṟunūṟu anthology was compiled by Kūḍalūr Kiḻār, who was said to be a master of “pulat-turai”, dance tradition. As mentioned earlier, the first line of the first ten poems starts as "Vāḻi Ādaṉ Vāḻi Avini” which means “hail Adaṉ hail Avini” is a vāḻttu-pāḍal. Let paddy pop up in plenty and gold available in good quantity. Let the fields grow plenty of crops and seekers of gifts come in large numbers. Let milk be overflowing, and carts be many. Let the opponents be reduced to eating dry but let Brāhmins learn Vedas. Let there be no starvation, and let diseases disappear. Let the righteous law prosper and unjust be eliminated. Let the rulers rule justly and let there be no looting. Let the king lessen the opponents and rule for long years. Let the good things grow and evil disappear. Let there be plenty of rain and fertility increase. All these prayers remind us of Jñāṉasambandar’s verses “vāḻka antaṇar vānavar āṉ iṉam” The most interesting point is that these prayers were made by the heroine in all the ten verses. There is no doubt that the first-tens appear as vāḻttu for the whole anthology. This anthology has a total of 501 verses. Two verses in the middle are missing and the last ten has only five verses. There are some similar formats and probably not Aiṅkuṟunūṟu but included at the end by the editor.

2.17. Paripāḍal

Paripāḍal is an anthology of Saṅgam poems consisting of about 22 long poems with some appendices, included in what is known as “Eight anthologies”. This has been edited by Dr. U.V.S. Ayyar for the first time in the year 1918, and subsequently, seven reprints have appeared. Originally there were seventy Paripāḍal poems according to an ancient verse which says that eight poems were devoted to Tirumāl, 31 poems devoted to Murugaṉ (Cevvēl), 1 to Kāḷī (Kādukāḷ), 26 devoted to the River Vaikai, and four to the great city of Madurai, thus making a total of seventy. Dr.U.V.S. Ayyar discovered only 22 poems and a few stanzas belonging to others in manuscript form. Unfortunately, the rest have disappeared, and none have been discovered subsequently. The manuscripts found luckily had a commentary that Dr. Ayyar could identify as the work of Parimēlaḻagar. The last of the poem has not been completely recovered and remains incomplete. In addition, one poem on Tirumāl, and another on Vaikai were retrieved by Ayyar from commentaries on Tolkāppiyam and other works. However, these Paripāḍal poems had no commentary. In addition, a few stanzas have also been retrieved from other works and appear as appendices to the anthology at the end of the published book. Among the available poems with the commentaries, six are devoted to Tirumāl (1, 2, 3, 4, 13 and 15); 8 are dedicated to Murugaṉ (5, 8, 9, 14, 17, 18, 19, and 21) and the rest are in praise of water sports in the River Vaikai (6, 7, 10, 11, 12, 16, 20, 22). The poems on Tirumāl and Cevvēl Murugaṉ, are in praise of gods and they incidentally praise the sports on mountains – Tirumāl-irumcōlai and Tirup-param-kuṉṟam. The sports on the river are called water sports and on mountains as hill sports. At the end of all the poems the name of the poet who composed the song, the musician who set them to music, and the name of the tune (paṇ) is found as the colophon. The name of the musician who set the poem to tune is however not found. The tune of the first 11 poems were set to pālai paṇ. The poems 12 to 17 were in notiram tune and the rest were in gāndharam paṇ. Thus, the original ancient tunes are revealed from the colophon. We also understand that these were real musical compositions and in the following portion we will understand these were meant for dance. Dr. Ayyar has given some important notes on his edition. All the poems with commentary do not all have subheadings about formats of stanzas like taravu. But two of the poems, the first and the last one have the subheadings about taravu etched. These were found in a commentary of Iḷam Pūraṉar. The first poem has the following subheadings. Taravu, koccakam, arāgam, āciriyam, pēreṉ, āciriyam, pēreṉ, tanic-col, curitakam, ciṟṟen, pēreṉ, idaieṉ, tanic-col, and curitakam. These were classifications of individual stanzas in Paripāḍal is prescribed in Tolkāppiyam. Similarly, the last on Tirumāl, carries the following subheadings: taravu, koccakam, koṇḍu-nilai, koccakam, muḍuku-iyal, koccakam, and curitakam. Paripāḍal is a form of poetry best suited for music as a musical composition mainly for dance, along with another poetic form “Kali”. This is defined by Tolkāppiyam in the chapter on “ahat-tiṇai-iyal”, sūtra 53. According to this sūtra, “the songs suited for enactment in both dance traditions (nāṭaka vaḻakku/nāṭya dharmi) and in worldly tradition (ulagiyal vaḻakku/loka dharmi) are to be either in Kali or Paripāḍal format, and this is applicable for aham themes”. Nacciṉārkkiṉiyar, the commentator, holds that these two formats Kali and Paripāḍal were meant for the five land sub-divisions of the aham: kuruñci, mullai, marutam, neital and pālai, and may not be suited for other themes. They may be found in some rare instances in the “kaik-kiḷai” and “peruntiṇai” songs which are also subdivisions of the aham poems. Kali format is confined to aham themes, whereas Paripāḍal may be employed in songs praising Gods as well as the aham themes. Thus, the poems meant for “abhinaya” are found in songs of Kali and Paripāḍal form for aham themes. This clearly indicates that all Kali songs are meant for dance. The other poetic formats like āciriyam, veṇpā, and vañci may be used for both aham and puṟam themes. There are two types of vocal accompaniment for dramatic enactment. One is prose dialogue and the other is vocal music. The first is generally delivered by the actor and the second is generally with background music. The first is generally worldly actions and the second includes both dance modes and worldly actions. The sūtra here seems to be relating to the latter, especially with reference to the background of musical songs. This is evident from the usage in the sūtra “pāḍal cārnta pulaneri vaḻakkam”. Here, pulaneri vaḻakkam stands for abhinaya that relates both to visual and audial perceptions meaning dance traditions (dramatic art was a branch of dance tradition in ancient times). Further, this sūtra says “pāḍal cārnta” meaning relating to music, in other words musically rendered actions. The sūtra therefore relates to pure musical composition and that too for dance recitals. In the sense, Kali songs are exclusively suited for the five subdivisions of aham and for kaikkiḷai and peruntiṇai for realizing śṛṅgāra rasa. Paripāḍa is suited for aham themes and can also be dedicated to praise of gods as prayer songs. However, both the poetic formats are essentially musical compositions for dance - nāṭaka-vaḻakku and ulakiyal-vaḻakku. This sūtra clearly demonstrates that both “Kalit-tokai” anthology and “Paripāḍal” anthology were dance compositions. Among the present Paripāḍal collections that have survived, the first fourteen dedicated to Tirumāl (Viṣṇu) and Cevvēḷ (Muruga) are Dēvapāṇi songs falling under prayer songs and the rest on river Vaikai are aham poems on Śṛṅgāra. The Vaikai songs nos 6, 7, 10, 11, 12, and 22 centre around dance accompanied by vocal and instrumental music like Yāḻ, flute, mṛdaṅgam, and murasu or muḻavu forming a complete troupe of musicians meant to be danced. The other two poems on Vaikai also refer to dance or music but not with a whole troupe. Further it is seen that even the other Paripāḍal poems, though they are songs of prayers on gods, especially the ones on Murugaṉ, include Śṛṅgāra elements. These songs give at the beginning, and end, praises of the god, his prowess, his grace etc. They introduce heroes, heroines, and dancing girls and their different amorous sports, without mentioning the names of either the heroes or other women, in the spirit of aham tradition and are essentially songs on “kāmam” theme. So, it is evident that the rules of Tolkāppiyam grammar have been followed by these surviving Paripāḍal songs. It is well known that Kalit-tokai songs of the Saṅgam anthology was also meant for dance as is the case of the very first poem. These establish that the Saṅgam songs were connected with dance creations. We have seen that the Paripāḍal anthology consists of eight songs on water sports in the “festival of waters”, in the River Vaikai that flows through the city of Madurai, similar to the River Yamuna in the city of Mathura, the abode of Kṛṣṇa. The water sports festival in Vaikai was very famous, particularly among the youth for their erotic sports. This was a great event to delineate Śṛṅgāra theme - the aham environment and thus is included in the chapter on aham. The poetic formats Kali and Paripāḍal formed part of aham songs. This anthology being best suited for dance traditions includes water sports as part of śṛṅgāra songs. At the end of each of these songs there is a prose passage indicating the main aim of the theme. It is not known whether these prose passages were added by the poets themselves or later by the commentator. Probably they were added by the commentator. We shall first examine the festival of water sports in the River Vaikai. The first Vaikai poem in the collection is Song 6. This song gives some interesting details about water sports, besides some erotic expressions. The banks were overflowing with floods as a result of sumptuous rains. There were deer sporting on the banks where there were also peacocks (this probably is an allusion to men and attractive women on the banks). The rains that fell on the slopes brought down waters with the dust. The Brāhmins, who recited flawless Vedas, praised with their tongue’s good poems, that did feel like waters spreading to all parts of the land and increased the fertility of the fields. This indicates that the fertility of the soil increased by the good poems of Vedic Brāhmins who are called “mācu il panuval pulavar”. In this verse, the Vedas are described as flawless poems. The tongues of Brāhmins are praised as famous tongues, and their poems are called “nar kavitai”. Evidently, Brāhmins composed many poems in praise of the River Vaikai So, the poem begins with the rains, plenty of waters, the Vedic Brāhmins composing poems in praise of the river, and it spread on the land increasing its fertility. The young women who arrived at sport in waters brought fragrant smokes, food offerings, materials of worship, and lamps (like dīpa) to make their lovers happy with joy in the water festival as the new flood waters of Vaikai. The young men and women arrived suitably adorned with clothes as they enjoyed each other’s company in the flooded waters of Vaikai. Similarly, the other poems on Vaikai (poem nos 7, 10, 11, 12, 16, 20 and 22) mention the Water sports in the River sung generally with erotic sentiments of men and women. Not surprisingly, each poem varies in the approach. The first poem says the erotic emotion that remained dormant in their heart, burst out now with the flooding waters, so were the dams that remained blocking the waters got broken by the force of the waters. The announcers cried for immediate attention to redo the embankments and people in the city flocked to the riverside, to attend to this work. With the pun of words in their mouth, the lovers were seen enjoying the sport. The young man was sporting with the public the girls (Parattai) in the waters. When this news reached the heroine at home, she felt the need to reject her partner when he returned home. Such expressions are found in other poems, but note an interesting reference to the Vedic Brāhmins saw the waters now got muddy by the scattered flowers, sandal pastes, fragrant oil from the hairs of the women, etc., and so they found the waters impure and did not take bath in that water, stopped performing their rites there, like sipping waters in ācamanam, etc., and others also felt that waters have become so impure with liquor and smelling liquids, thrown in the waters by erotic women they left the place without using it. At the end we find the friend of the heroine praying let there be more such scenes there. It is an indication of the erotic situation that is governing its prominence. In the next poem on Vaikai there are a few important points. The floods of Vaikai were breaking the banks on either side and flowing helter-skelter, the poet compares this meandering course of the Vaikai to a girl who does not know how to dance, despite the great drums, and the loud pot drums keeping the beats. Similarly, a young wife not knowing what a love quarrel is extending her anger to a breaking point, like the Vaikai floods continuing to run hither and thither. This is in line with the theme of Śrṅgāra that the song is meant to portray. The second point that is of interest is the flooding of Vaikai creates different emotions among different people. At one place the waters flow over sheets of flowers covering the ground. At another place, young girls playing on the sands made images with sands that the waters swept away as they flowed over them. The poor girls started weeping at the loss of their sand sculptures. At another place the paddy fields and the paddy plants were drowned in waters, while in the neighbouring fields bundles of paddy corns were rolled and remained scattered all over. At one place people remarked that it looks as if the entire village has been surrounded by sea. Others said, it looked as if the clouds had burst. While some others said, the flood had reached the songsters and reached the colony of dancers. This is to compare young men who have taken to the colonies of musicians and dancers. There is yet another scene. The heroine was sporting in cold water and so when she came to warm up her body, she drank so much liquor, her eyes turned red. Her husband looking at the reddened eyes sang in a different tune praising the beauty of her eyes like a Bāṇa. A call girl, standing nearby thought that this man was praising her and so made erotic advances. The hero thought that this would surely create problems for him with his wife. As expected, when he approached his wife, she tore her floral garlands and threw it at him. Because of this her eyes reddened more, thus depicting a love quarrel. The last point that this poem mentions is that there arose vocal music and Yāḻ happily blended. Flutes were playing louder in a lovely manner. Drum sound was heard loudly. The dancing girl and the musician Bāṇan ascended the stage and started their dance recital. Water sports bring great joy in the minds of the people. The poem ends with a prayer that similar joy should always be pervading the region. The Paripāḍal poem 10²⁰ is interesting from another angle. This is also full of the same erotic sentiment. A hero went to the battle front as commanded by his king, promising his wife to return at the arrival of the cloudy season. The season came, and his wife was bitten by love as he had not arrived. She tells her friend who consoled her by describing the beauty and joy of the season. It further enhanced the love longing of the heroine. So, the lady friend sends an ambassador, a Bāṇan to her husband reminding him of his promise to return. The Bāṇan who was a singer being sent as a messenger shows the connection of the poem with dance. Then the poem gives a list of women who went to the banks of the Vaikai for sports. They were carrying sandal pastes. Fragrant liquids and the spraying tubes to spray fragrant and coloured waters. They ascended on horses, elephants, palanquins, bullock carts, donkeys, and kōveru kaḻudai (Royal donkeys) and started moving towards the banks for water sports. Then the poem gives a list of women like girls who had not attained puberty, girls who had just attained puberty like fresh flowers, young women in their bloom, women who were slightly older than this group who had black hairs with silver hairs, old women whose hairs have turned fully silver-white, chaste women, prostitutes, their lady friends, and servant maids who walked gracefully like the gaits of dancers to the accompaniment of steps dancing to the rhythmic beats of tālas. Here, again we see women of various age groups of seven and emotions moving towards the riverbank. There is a convention of describing women in seven stages of age groups in later Tamiḻ poetry, especially the dancing girls and this seems to be a forerunner of that tradition. What is amazing is the poet’s imagination of a pair of a male and she elephant in lovelorn condition. The male infatuated with love on seeing the female elephant started running towards it without obeying their riders and stood in front of a palace with the figure of a tiger made of stucco on its stories. The she elephant started following the male with the women on their back, going slowly also saw the sculpture of the tiger in the story of the palace, thinking that it was a really ferocious tiger that would pounce on the male elephant, but refused to obey the orders of the masters, and started behaving in uncontrollable manner. Seeing the condition of the female elephant, the male one also turned uncontrollable. Seeing the situation, the elephant masters moved the elephant away from the sight of the tiger sculpture, after which the female elephant calmed down. This picture of an elephant love is a creative imagery to suit the environment of the lovely festival. The situation was further enhanced by dances performed by girls to the accompaniment of vocal and instrumental music. Some women after the sport wiped themselves with clothes. Others poured liquor into their cups and drank to their heart’s content. There were some who poured liquor on the waters as if offering liquor. Some threw small models of fish, crabs, and other water animals made of metal in the water. This seems to be a custom in southern India particularly the Vaikai and Tāmraparaṇi banks. Such small metal pieces are found even now in the river sand in Tāmraparaṇi. The poem also sings the songs of the musicians, and praises the dance of the dancers and the tāḷas suited for dance. It also mentions that the art of music and dance was an exclusive profession of the class of the girls who are called viraliyar.

2.18. On Dating Saṅgam Tamiḻ Literature

There are two major schools of thought about the date of Saṅgam poems: 1) they were composed between the 4th cent BCE and 2nd century CE. and the 2) they were composed in the 8th cent and 9th century CE. Mr. Tieken who is a strong advocate of the 9th century CE, made certain statements which this paper proposes to examine. His main contention is that these Saṅgam poems belong to the period of the Pāṇḍyas of the 8th - 9th century, as he thinks the language of the Pāṇḍyaṉ inscriptions and the Saṅgam poems are almost identical. He argues the Saṅgam poems were influenced by Prākṛt literary tradition. I am not going into this question but would like to point out that such statements are subjective and are not borne out by factual material. “The Saṅgam poetry presents a complex written literary tradition and the poems were probably composed only at the moment of their compilation into anthologies. The poets of Saṅgam evoke the very same past as did the composers of the praśastīs, in particular the Pāṇḍya inscriptions. The use of Tamiḻ is similar to that is seen in the Pāṇḍya inscriptions and those of the Pāṇḍya alone. The Saṅgam poetry is an invention of the Pāṇḍya of the 8th cent or 9th cent. The Pāṇḍyas were forging history”. Teiken goes on to argue that the three copper plates of the Pāṇḍya, the Vēḷvikkuḍi plates, Daḷavāypuṟam plates and the larger Cinnamaṉūr plates belong to 8th and 9th century. He mentions three important points namely the establishment of Maturai as the capital, the establishment of Saṅgam at Maturai, and the study of Tamiḻ as a classical language and translating the Mahābhārata into Tamiḻ. All these and more appear in Mr. Tiekens’s article in the “Economic and Social History Review, 2003-40-207”. Here, I will be examining these important viewpoints and focus on three aspects. While I take issue with Tieken, I believe that every scholar has a right to express his views which should be academically countered on a factual basis if available; no one can abuse without even examining what he is saying as has become the modern trend with some who have come to academics without academics.

Paleography of the script of early inscriptions.
Language of the Pāṇḍya inscriptions and Saṅgam classics,
The recently found inscribed shreds and their relation to Saṅgam classics.

My approach will be from known to unknown and so I will be going back in point of time and not start from early period. The following are some of the Tamiḻ parts of three copper plates Mr. Tieken quotes. Please compare this Tamiḻ with that of the Saṅgam era and notice the difference as opposed to similarity as claimed by Mr. Tieken. வேள்விக்குடி சாஸனம்: படுகடல் முளைத்த பருதிபோல் பாண்டியாதி ராஜன் வெளிப்படுத்து அற்றமிலடர் வேற்றானை அதிராஜன் அவனிசூளமணி எதிறத்துலகழிககும் மத்தயானை மாறவர்மன் vēḷvikkuṭi cāsaṉam: paṭukaṭal muḷaitta parutipōl pāṇṭiyāti rājaṉ veḷippaṭuttu aṟṟamilaṭar vēṟṟāṉai atirājaṉ avaṉicūḷamaṇi etiṟattulakaḻikakum mattayāṉai māṟavarmaṉ The following passage is from the Daḷavāypuṟam Plates: - ஓங்கு திரை வியன் பரப்பில் உததி ஆலயமாக தேங்குதமிழ் மலர் நெடுங்கீர்த்தி திசைமகளீர் மெய்காப்ப விண்ணன் பெயரோங்கிய மேகஞானவிதானதில் துண் நிழற்கீழ் ஸஹஸ்ர பணமணி விளக்கமைம்ப புஜங்க புரஸ்ஸரபோகி மன்னும் பொங்கணைமீமிசை பயத்தரு தும்புரு நாரதனறபனுவல்வரை மிசை செவியுற பூதலமகளோடு பாதஸ்பர்சனை செய்தும் நின் படையால் ஆதிபுருஷன் அமரநாயகன் கணமகனிச மெலமர் ōṅku tirai viyaṉ parappil utati ālayamāka tēṅkutamiḻ malar neṭuṅkīrtti ticaimakaḷīr meykāppa viṇṇaṉ peyarōṅkiya mēkañāṉavitāṉatil tuṇ niḻaṟkīḻ sahasra paṇamaṇi viḷakkamaimpa pujaṅka puras'sarapōki maṉṉum poṅkaṇaimīmicai payattaru tumpuru nārataṉaṟapaṉuvalvarai micai ceviyuṟa pūtalamakaḷōṭu pātasparcaṉai ceytum niṉ paṭaiyāl ātipuruṣaṉ amaranāyakaṉ kaṇamakaṉica melamar சின்னமனூர் பெரிய சாஸனம்:- பஞ்சவன் என்னும் பெயர் நிறுவியும் வளமதுரை நகர் வகுத்தும் வளமிக்க மதிஅதனால் செந்தமழும் வடமொழியும் பழுதறத்தானாய்ந்து பண்டிதரில் மேல்தோன்றி மகாபாரதம் தமிழ் படுத்தும் மதுராபுரிச் சங்கம் வத்தும் ciṉṉamaṉūr periya cāsaṉam:- pañcavaṉ eṉṉum peyar niṟuviyum vaḷamaturai nakar vakuttum vaḷamikka mati'ataṉāl centamaḻum vaṭamoḻiyum paḻutaṟattāṉāyntu paṇṭitaril mēltōṉṟi makāpāratam tamiḻ paṭuttum maturāpuric caṅkam vattum These examples show the Tamiḻ sentences in all these Pāṇḍyaṉ records cited by Tieken, use more of Sanskrit words in amidst Tamiḻ than Prākṛt words. Sanskrit is being used liberally in the 9th and 10th century inscriptions. As against this please note the following Saṅgam poems: - ōṅku malai peru vil pāmpu ñāṇ koḷī oru kaṇai koṇṭu mū eyil uṭaṟṟi peru viṟal amararkku veṉṟi tanta kaṟai miṭaṟṟu aṇṇal kāmar ceṉṉi piṟai nutal viḷaṅkum oru kaṇ pōla (puṟam 55) This is a poem on Pāṇḍya Naṉmāran by Marutan Iḷa Nāgaṉār. Another Puṟanāṉūṟu poem (56) also on the same Pāṇḍya by Nakkīrar reads: - Dalavāyēṟṟu valaṉ uyariya eri maruḷ avir caṭai māṟṟu aru kaṇicci maṇi miṭaṟṟōṉum kaṭal vaḷar puri vaḷai puraiyum mēṉi aṭal ve nāñcil paṉai koṭiyōṉum maṇṇuṟu tiru maṇi puraiyum mēṉi viṇ uyar puḷ koṭi viṟal veyyōṉum maṇi mayil uyariya māṟā veṉṟi piṇimuka ūrti oḷ ceyyōṉ um eṉa ñālam kākum kāla muṉpiṉ tōlā nal icai nālvar uḷum kūṟṟu ottī ē māṟṟu aru cīṟṟam vali ottī ē vāliyōṉai pukaḻ ottī ē ikaḻunar aṭunaṉai muruku ottī ē muṉṉiyatu muṭittaliṉi (puram 56) Yet another poem by poet Aiyūr mutavanār on the king Tirumāvaḷavan who died addresses a potter making a burial urn. kalam cey kovē kalam cey kōvē iruḷ tiṇintaṉṉa kurūu tiraḷ parūu pukai akal iru vicumpiṉ ūṉṟum cūḷai naṉam talai mūtūr kalam cey kōvē aḷiyai nī ē yāṅku ākuvai kol nilam varai cūṭṭiya nīḷ neṭu tāṉai pulavar pukaḻnta poyyā nal icai viri katir ñāyiṟu vicumpu ivarntaṉṉa cēṇ viḷaṅku ciṟappiṉ cempiyar marukaṉ koṭi nuṭaṅku yāṉai neṭumāvaḷavaṉ tēvar ulakam eytiṉaṉ ātaliṉ aṉṉōṉ kavikkum kaṇ akal tāḻi vaṉaital vēṭṭaṉai āyiṉ eṉaiyatūum iru nilam tikiri ā peru malai maṇ ā vaṉaital ollumō niṉakē (puṟam 228) See another illustration from a poem by Avvaiyār on the chieftain Atiyamān Netumān Añci: ciṟiya kaḷ peṟiṉ ē emakku īyum maṉnē periya kaḷ peṟiṉnē yām pāṭa tāṉ makiḻntu uṇṇum maṉnē ciṟu cōṟṟāṉ um naṉi pala kalattaṉ maṉnē peru cōṟṟāṉ um naṉi pala kalattaṉ maṉnē eṉpoṭu taṭi paṭu vaḻi ellām emakku īyum maṉnē ampoṭu vēl nuḻai vaḻi ellām tāṉ niṟkum maṉnē narantam nāṟum taṉ kaiyāl pulavu nāṟum eṉ talai taivarum maṉnē aru talai iru pāṇar akal maṇṭai tuḷai urīi irappōr kai uḷ um pōki purappōr puṉ kaṇ pāvai cōra am col nuṇ tērcci pulavar nāvil ceṉṟu vīḻntaṉṟu avaṉ aru niṟattu iyaṅkiya vēlē ācuāku entai yāṇṭu uḷaṉ kolo iṉi pāṭunarum illai pāṭunarkku oṉṟu īkunarum illaii (puṟam 235)

2.18.1. Natural evolution of Sanskrit

The flow of these poems is not affected by the use of Prākṛt words anywhere in the poems. It is not because of the popularity they evoked and sung for nearly 500 years as Tieken claims, but because they were immortal poems, they lived for the past two thousand years. There is no comparison between the language of the Saṅgam poems and the later Pāṇḍyaṉ inscriptions cited above. The two genres are very different. The former is fine Tamiḻ mixed with some Prākṛt words, like nilam, tēvar, ulakam, kalam, etc., the Prākṛt words resembling Tamiḻ, Saṅgam classics do not use Sanskrit in their composition. But the Pāṇḍya records cited like the Daḷavāypuram, Vēḷvikkuḍi and larger Cinnamaṉūr plates use more Sanskrit words in their compositions. A comparison between the Saṅgam poems and Pāṇḍya records, which Tieken says are closer to Saṅgam, are so different that no one will agree with his contention. This trend is more in tune with the overall development of languages all over India; for example, all dramas in Sanskrit use more Prakṛt words than in Sanskrit. The trend gradually changes through the centuries in the north as well. Therefore, the claim that Saṅgam poems are closer to later Pāṇḍya records is totally invalid. We may also note in passing that the early Pallava records are also in Prākṛt and not in Sanskrit.

2.18.2. Arikēsari’s Plates - 7th Century Copper Plates

Two important Pāṇḍya records of the 7th century records are relevant with respect to language in Saṅgam poems. One is a stone inscription discovered 50 years ago and the other is a copper plate record. The former was discovered in the Vaigai bed by Prof. K.V. Raman, edited by K.G. Kriṣṇan, and revised by me 30 years ago. The second was in a private collection and was recently edited. Both were issued by the Pāṇḍya Arikēsari, Parāṅkuśa Māravarmaṉ, a contemporary of Jñāṉasambandar, in the mid 7th century. Both use chaste Sanskrit words as in the case of 9th century records, and Grantha script for all the Sanskrit words. The Madurai record begins like this: pāṇḍya kulamaṇi pradīpanāy prāturbhāvañ ceytu vikramaṅgaḷāl araisaṭakki, aparimitamāṉa hiraṇyagarbhamum tulābhāramum ceytu kali kaḍintu பாண்டியகுல மணிப் ப்ரதீபனாய் ப்ராதுர்பாவஞ் செய்து விக்கிரமங்களால் அரைசடக்கி அபரிமிதமான ஹிரண்யகர்ப்பமும் துலாபாரமும் செய்து கலி கடிந்து Similar is the case with the other copper plate of the same ruler. mukiḻ vaṇṇan avanēy antiyayugam vantiḻitalil muḻangkuvattu dhanmattai taḷarvakala kanmattai tān karuti nayantiriyā vikramattu jayantavanman makanāki pāṇḍya vaṁcam poliveyta mīṇḍu vantu avatarittu ulakam niḻara oṟṟai veṇkuḍai palar pukaḻ ceṅkōl paṇitta parāntakan avanēy ugramāna pala yuddhangkaḷil mahīpālarai jayañceytu dharmattai talai niṉṟu kanmattai tān karuti maṇimāṭak kaḷakkuḍik kāṇiyākiya aḻakamaiñca viḻucciṟappil antamillā arikesari īśvaram mutalāka candrasekharukkā ytānasāsamāka pala ceyvittu hiraṇyagarbhamum tulābhāramu menṟivai pukku iṉitiruntu maṇṇakattu mahipālaroḍu mahājanam mahiḻntaḷippa oṟṟai veṇkuḍai iraṭṭai cāmarai koṟṟavan poṟṟēr māranṉ rājyavarṣam muppattarāvatu. முகிழ் வண்ணன் அவனேய் அந்த்யயுகம் வந்து இழித்தலில் முழங்வத்து தர்மத்தை தளர்வகல கன்மத்தை தான் கருதி னயந்திரியா விக்கிரமத்து ஜயந்தவர்மன் மகனாகி பாண்டிய வம்சம் பொலிவெய்த ஈண்டு வந்து அவதரித்து உலகம் நிழலர ஒற்றை வெண்குடை பலர் புகழ் செங்கோல் பணித்த பராந்தகன் அவனேய், உக்ரமான பல யுத்தங்களில் மஹீபாலரை ஜயஞ்செய்து, தர்மத்தை தலை நின்று கர்மத்தைத் தான் கருதி மணிமாட களக்குடி காணியாகி யழகமைஞ்ச விழுசிறப்பில் அந்தமிலா அரிகேசரி ஈச்வரம் முதலாக சந்திரசேகருக்காய்த் தானசாசனமாக பலசெய்வித்து ஹிரண்யகர்ப்பமும் துலாபாரமு மென்றிவை புக்கு இனிதிருந்து மண்ணகத்து மஹீபாலரோடு மஹாஜனம் மஹிழ்ந்தளிப்ப ஒற்றை வெண்குடை இரட்டைச் சாமரை கொற்றவன் பொற்றேர் மாறன் ராஜ்யவர்ஷம் முப்பத்தாறாவது. In these 7th century records as well, both the Sanskrit language and the Grantha script are employed, unlike Saṅgam poems. They are virtually like Maṇipravāḷa language of mixed Sanskrit and Tamiḻ. This suggests that the Saṅgam poems are not only different from the later Pāṇḍyaṉ records, and they cannot be dated to the 7th century as they are not similar to Arikēsari’s record.

2.18.3. Hero-stone Evidence

Many hero-stone inscriptions that range from around the fourth century to the 10th or 11th century and even later are dated in the reigns of kings whose dates have already been decided by reference to acceptable data. For example, many inscriptions of Mahendra Varman of the 7th century, some of Simha Viṣṇu, and Simha Varman of the 6th century have come to light. Some are even earlier and refer to Bāṇa chieftains. All these records show the gradual evolution of the script. We have shown that the evolution of each and every letter could be demonstrated. Thus, paleographic evolution is a much more reliable method for dating than the so-called internal similarities of diction, which is often a subjective one. The hero-stones have given us a large number of names that are decidedly later than Saṅgam poems. (Paper presented at the International Conference on Semmolit Tamiḻ, Coimbatore 2010)

2.18.4. Pūlāṅkuṟucchi Evidence

Another important inscription that deserves attention is the Pūlāṅkuṟucchi record of Kōc Cēndaṉ Kūṟṟaṉ. I dated this inscription to the 3rd century CE while some others dated it slightly later. Whatever be the date, it is definitely much earlier than the 7th century based on the language and script. Unfortunately, Tieken has not taken all these discoveries into consideration but has taken only the later Pāṇḍyā inscriptions. The Saṅgam classics predate the Pūlāṅkuṟucchi record. So, the Saṅgam classics must be dated earlier than the 3rd century CE. This brings us to the large number of early Brahmi inscriptions found in caves, on coins, pottery, and other materials. Śrī.K.V. Subramanya Iyer was the first to declare that some of these letters used in the cave records are unique to the Tamiḻ language especially “ḷ, ḻ, ṟ, ṉ” (ள், ழ், ற், ன்). This was followed by others. More and more records are coming to light.

2.18.5. Evolution of Script — Vital

The evolution of script serves as an indisputable tool for dating, being verifiable and therefore irrefutable. There may be some difference of opinion among scholars about absolute dating based on paleography and relative dating ranging from plus or minus 100 years from the original date. But the fact remains that these records are earlier as there is no doubt about the evolution of these letters when compared to the succeeding age.

2.18.6. Aśōkan Evidence

Aśōka mentioned in his edicts, the Pāṇḍyas, the Cōḻas, the Kerala putras, (Cēramāṉs) and the Satya putras. That there was a highly organized kingdom and society in Tamiḻnāḍu in the 3rd century BCE is thus well proven. Aśōkan Brāhmi has been well studied and all the early inscriptions found in Tamiḻnāḍu are after the Aśōkan script and do show clear cut evolution. The Saṅgam poems could thus be dated within the time bracket of the 2nd century BCE and 2nd century CE. Many of the names found in the Saṅgam poems are found in the cave records of Tamiḻnāḍu. One cannot brush them aside as accidental or that they were earlier, but the poets sang them later.

2.18.7. Verifiable Data

There are three important coordinates that help us in objectively determining the date of Saṅgam poems. 1) Aśōkan records 2) Foreign data like Roman coins, pottery, and seals found in Tamiḻnāḍu and Indian pottery with Brāhmi script found in Egypt and Arabian coast. 3) Coins inscribed with the names of the kings who issued the coin. 4) Relative stratigraphic chronology of inscribed shreds. Before we examine these points, it is necessary to note the content of the early inscriptions. The names of a number of kings and chiefs found in these inscriptions are also mentioned in the Saṅgam works. Please note the following names: - Pāṇḍyaṉ kings

Neṭuñ-ceḻiyaṉ
Vaḻuti
Peruvaḻuti
Paṇavaṉ

Cēra Kings

Ko-ātaṉ ceral irumporai
Perum-kaṭuṅkōṉ
Iḷam kaṭuṅkōṉ
Kollip-poraiyaṉ
Māk-kōtai
Kuṭṭuvaṉ-kōtai
Atiyaṉ Neṭumāṉ Añci

Other names

Piṭṭaṉ Koṟṟaṉ
Nalli
Aṉtuvaṉ
Iḷaṅgo
Cēntaṉ
Kūṟṟaṉ
Matirai
Karuvūr
Uppu Vaṇikaṉ
Aruvai vaṇikaṉ
Pon Vanikaṉ and more

All these names found in the early inscriptions are found in the Saṅgam literature. The correlation of these names with those of the Saṅgam works cannot be dismissed. Some of these names are not that important to be remembered after a gap of 700 years in the 9th century, to be composed in classical poems. To say that they were “invented by Pāṇḍyas”, just for the sake of composing poems to claim antiquity as claimed by Tieken, is unacceptable.

2.18.8. Evidence of Script on Coins

It is well known that Roman coins and potsherds were found in large numbers in Tamiḻnāḍu. Several thousand gold, silver, and bronze coins have been found which when compared with the account of classical geographers of the Western world, attests to the fact that ancient Rome traded with the Tamiḻs in the first century CE. The occurrence of Arretine ware, Rouletted ware, and Amphora has led to closer dating. The Gold Intaglio seals have also given a dating to these findings no different from the other sources. The coins of some Cēra rulers like Kolliporaiyaṉ, the conqueror of Kolli hills show the king in Roman Attire and that he is identical with the kings with the same name and title in Saṅgam period. Māk-kōtai, Kuṭṭuvaṉ-kōtai portray kings as imitating Roman Kings. They attest to the fact that during the time when Roman contact was well established coins bearing portraits like the Roman Kings were issued, but, in later periods no coin was issued bearing these types of portraits. The coin of Peruvaḻuti discussed by Dr.R. Kriṣṇamurti in his Book is another fine example of the same age (Please see Dr.R. Kriṣṇamurthi’s work). The script employed in the coins of early kings, with their names, are the same as found in the cave inscriptions and found on the excavated potsherds. There could be no doubt the Cēras, Pāṇḍyas, and others mentioned in the Saṅgam poems were historic persons who actually lived here around the beginning of the first century CE.

2.18.9. Stratigraphic Evidence

Our recent excavations at Karūr and Aḻakaṅkulam have proved the occurrences of sherds with Brāhmi script in the stratified level that yielded Roman pottery pointing to 21st century CE as the date of the script. They are identical to the script found in the Pukaḷūr inscription. For the first time we have also found in stratified excavations Roman coins, all the other ones being treasure trove finds or surface finds. This enables us to date the script on the potsherd which is now very securely dated. The inscriptions in these characters refer to many personalities and kings and poets mentioned in Saṅgam classics. There could be no doubt that these inscriptions on rocks in Tamiḻnāḍu are indisputably of the beginning of the current era, a few years earlier or later. There is another wild guess by amateur archaeologists, whose only tool to date Saṅgam age, is their subjective, predetermined date of the 4th century BCE., which can be easily dismissed as unacceptable and can be termed clownish. The nature of historicity and form of Brāhmi script is such, there is no evidence of its existence earlier than Aśōka in the 3rd Century. Even if the date of Brāhmi script is pushed hypothetically earlier that has nothing to do with the Saṅgam age, the date of which is the first-second century CE (AD), because of unimpeachable evidence of Roman correlation. When one collates all the names of the poets of the Saṅgam age and the names of the patrons sung by them, a time bracket of about 150 to two hundred years emerges and not more. The overwhelming evidence of inscriptions, script, paleography, numismatic finds, and inscribed sherds found in Egypt and the vast difference between the language of Saṅgam poetry, and the inscriptional poetry of 8th - 9th century, point to the 1st century BCE to 2nd century CE as the date of the Saṅgam poems. In my opinion the correlation between the Roman antiquities found in stratified excavation with the inscribed Cēra coins on the one hand and Saṅgam literary names, firmly establish that the Saṅgam society could be assigned to an age after Roman contact was well established with Tamiḻnāḍu, and this happened only in the latter half of “Teberius” period and not earlier. Dr. K. Kriṣṇamurthy has discovered a number of bronze coins, which were of Greek origin; but unfortunately, most of them are badly worn out they could have been brought later by traders for their metal value. The problems with the Greek coins found in Tamiḻnāḍu pose are so numerous that it is difficult to identify the issuer, but Dr. Kriṣṇamurthy has made an admirable attempt to identify the coins and their age.

2.19. Endnotes and References

The poems cited in the endnote section as been taken from Project Madurai Site. ^1. Puṟanāṉūṟu 2, poet Murañciyūr Muḍināgarāyar on Perumchoṟṟu Udiyaṉ-Cēral-Ādaṉ. 2. போரும் சோறும்! பாடியவர்: முரஞ்சியூர் முடிநாகராயர். பாடப்பட்டோன்: சேரமான் பெருஞ்சோற்று உதியன் சேரலாதன். திணை: பாடாண். துறை: செவியறிவுறூஉ; வாழ்த்தியலும் ஆம். மண் திணிந்த நிலனும், நிலம் ஏந்திய விசும்பும், விசும்பு தைவரு வளியும் வளித் தலைஇய தீயும், தீ முரணிய நீரும், என்றாங்கு ஐம்பெரும் பூதத்து இயற்கை போலப் போற்றார்ப் பொறுத்தலும், சூழ்ச்சியது அகலமும் வலியும், தெறலும், அணியும், உடையோய்! நின்கடற் பிறந்த ஞாயிறு பெயர்த்தும் நின் வெண்தலைப் புணரிக் குடகடல் குளிக்கும் யாணர் வைப்பின், நன்னாட்டுப் பொருந! வான வரம்பனை! நீயோ, பெரும! அலங்குளைப் புரவி ஐவரோடு சினைஇ, நிலந்தலைக் கொண்ட பொலம்பூந் தும்பை ஈரைம் பதின்மரும் பொருது, களத்து ஒழியப் பெருஞ்சோற்று மிகுபதம் வரையாது கொடுத்தோய்! பாஅல் புளிப்பினும், பகல் இருளினும், நாஅல் வேத நெறி திரியினும் திரியாச் சுற்றமொடு முழுதுசேண் விளங்கி, நடுக்கின்றி நிலியரோ அத்தை; அடுக்கத்துச், சிறுதலை நவ்விப் பெருங்கண் மாப்பிணை, அந்தி அந்தணர் அருங்கடன் இறுக்கும் முத்தீ விளக்கிற், றுஞ்சும் பொற்கோட்டு இமயமும், பொதியமும், போன்றே! ^2. bhauma: relating or dedicated to the earth, produced or coming from the earth, earthly, terrestrial, Cologne Digital Sanskrit Dictionaries: Monier-Williams Sanskrit-English Dictionary ^3. catus-samudrādhipati: The Lord of four oceans. ^4. Āhavanīyam (आहवनीय) - to be offered as an oblation, consecrated fire taken from the householder’s perpetual fire and prepared for receiving oblations especially the eastern of the three fires burning at a sacrifice, Cologne Digital Sanskrit Dictionaries: Monier-Williams Sanskrit-English Dictionary. ^5. Gārhapatya (गार्हपत्य) - the householder’s fire (received from his father and transmitted to his descendants, one of the three sacred fires, being that from which sacrificial fires are lighted ^6. Dakṣiṇāgni (दक्षिणाग्नि) - the southern fire of the altar ^7. Puṟanāṉūṟu 367, poet Avvaiyār on Perunar Kiḷḷi. 367. வாழச் செய்த நல்வினை! பாடியவர்: ஔவையார். சிறப்பு: சேரமான் மாரி வெண்கோவும், பாண்டியன் கானப்பேர் தந்த உக்கிரப் பெருவழுதியும், சோழன் இராசசூயம் வேட்ட பெருநற்கிள்ளியும் ஒருங்கிருந்தாரைப் பாடியது. திணை: பாடாண். துறை: வாழ்த்தியல். நாகத் தன்ன பாகார் மண்டிலம் தமவே யாயினும் தம்மொடு செல்லா; வெற்றோர் ஆயினும் நோற்றோர்க்கு ஒழியும்; ஏற்ற பார்ப்பார்க்கு ஈர்ங்கை நிறையப் பூவும் பொன்னும் புனல்படச் சொரிந்து, பாசிழை மகளிர் பொலங்கலத்து ஏந்திய நாரறி தேறல் மாந்தி, மகிழ் சிறந்து, இரவலர்க்கு அருங்கலம் அருகாது வீசி, வாழ்தல் வேண்டும், இவண் வரைந்த வைகல்; வாழச் செய்த நல்வினை அல்லது, ஆழுங் காலைப் புணைபிறிது இல்லை; ஒன்று புரிந்து அடங்கிய இருபிறப் பாளர் முத்தீப் புரையக் காண்தக இருந்த கொற்ற வெண்குடக் கொடித்தேர் வேந்திர்; யான் அறி அளவையோ இவ்வே; வானத்து வயங்கித் தோன்றும் மீனினும், இம்மெனப் பரந்து இயங்கும் மாமழை உறையினும், உயர்ந்து மேந்தோன்றிப் பொலிக, நும் நாளே! ^8. Puṟanāṉūṟu 186, poet Mēsi Kīraṉār ^9. Puṟanāṉūṟu 15, poet Neṭṭimaiyār praises the king Palyāgasālai Mudukuḍumi Peruvaḻuti ஒன்னார் ஒண் படைக் கடுந்தார் முன்பு தலைக்கொண்மார் நசைதர வந்தோர் நசை பிறக்கு ஒழிய வசைபட வாழ்ந்தோர் பலர் கொல்? நற் பனுவல் நால் வேதத்து, அருஞ் சீர்த்திப் பெரும் கண்ணுறை நெய்ம்மலி ஆவுதி பொங்கப் பன் மாண் வீயாச் சிறப்பின் வேள்வி முற்ற யூபம் நட்ட வியன் களம் பல கொல்? ^10. The biligual Vēḷvikkuḍi grant of Parāntaka Neṭuñ-caṭaiyaṉ mentions Palyāgasālai Mudukuṭumi Peruvaḻuti who completed a vēḷvi (see Chapter 12 for details). ^11.Puṟanāṉūṟu 26, poet Māṅguḍi Kiḻār praising Pāṇḍyaṉ Neḍuñcheḻiyaṉ. 26. நோற்றார் நின் பகைவர்! பாடியவர்: மாங்குடி கிழவர்; மாங்குடி மருதனார் எனவும் பாடம். பாடப்பட்டோன்: பாண்டியன் தலையாலங்கானத்துச் செருவென்ற நெடுஞ்செழியன். திணை: வாகை. துறை: அரச வாகை. நளி கடல் இருங் குட்டத்து வளி புடைத்த கலம் போலக், களிறு சென்று களன் அகற்றவும், களன் அகற்றிய வியல் ஆங்கண் ஒளிறு இலைய எ·கு ஏந்தி, அரைசு பட அமர் உழக்கி, உரை செல முரசு வெளவி, முடித் தலை அடுப் பாகப், புனல் குருதி உலைக் கொளீஇத், தொடித்தோள் துடுப்பின் துழந்த வல்சியின், அடுகளம் வேட்ட அடுபோர்ச் செழிய! ஆன்ற கேள்வி, அடங்கிய கொள்கை, நான்மறை முதல்வர் சுற்ற மாக, மன்னர் ஏவல் செய்ய, மன்னிய வேள்வி முற்றிய வாய்வாள் வேந்தே! நோற்றோர் மன்ற நின் பகைவர், நின்னொடு மாற்றார் என்னும் பெயர் பெற்று, ஆற்றார் ஆயினும், ஆண்டுவாழ் வோரே. ^12. Puṟanāṉūṟu 372, poet Māṅguḍi Kiḻār song on Pāṇḍyaṉ Neḍuñcheḻiyaṉ. 372. ஆரம் முகக்குவம் எனவே! பாடியவர்: மாங்குடி கிழார். பாடப்பட்டோன்: தலையாலங்கானத்துச் செருவென்ற பாண்டியன் நெடுஞ்செழியன். திணை: வாகை. துறை: மறக்கள வேள்வி. விசிபிணித் தடாரி விம்மென ஒற்றி, ஏத்தி வந்த தெல்லாம் முழுத்த இலங்குவாள் அவிரொளி வலம்பட மின்னிக் கணைத்துளி பொழிந்த கண்கூடு பாசறைப், பொருந்தாத் தெவ்வர் அரிந்ததலை அடுப்பின், கூவிள விறகின் ஆக்குவரி நுடங்கல், ஆனா மண்டை வன்னியந் துடுப்பின், ஈனா வேண்மாள் இடந்துழந்து அட்ட மாமறி பிண்டம் வாலுவன் ஏந்த, ‘வதுவை விழவின் புதுவோர்க்கு எல்லாம் வெவ்வாய்ப் பெய்த பூதநீர் சால்க” எனப் புலவுக்களம் பொலிய வேட்டோய்! நின் நிலவுத்திகழ் ஆரம் முகக்குவம் எனவே. ^13. Puṟanāṉūṟu 43, Poet Dāmaṟpal kaṇṇaṉār on the brother Māvaḷattāṉ of the Cōḻa king Nalam Kiḷḷi. 43. பிறப்பும் சிறப்பும்! பாடியவர்: தாமப்பல் கண்ணனார், பாடப்பட்டோன்: சோழன் நலங்கிள்ளி தம்பி மாவளத்தான். திணை : வாகை. துறை: அரசவாகை. குறிப்பு : புலவரும் அரச குமரனும் வட்டுப் பொருவுழிக் கைகரப்ப, வெகுண்டு, வட்டுக் கொண்டு எறிந்தானைச் , ’சோழன் மகன் அல்லை’ என, நாணியுருந்தானை அவர் பாடியது. நிலமிசை வாழ்நர் அலமரல் தீரத், தெறுகதிர்க் கனலி வெம்மை தாங்கிக், கால்உண வாகச், சுடரொடு கொட்கும் அவிர்சடை முனிவரும் மருளக், கொடுஞ்சிறைக் கூருகிர்ப் பருந்தின் ஏறுகுறித், தொரீஇத், தன்னகம் புக்க குறுநடைப் புறவின் தபுதி யஞ்சிச் சீரை புக்க வரையா ஈகை உரவோன் மருக! நேரார்க் கடந்த முரண்மிகு திருவின் தேர்வண் கிள்ளி தம்பி! வார் கோல், கொடுமர மறவர் பெரும! கடுமான் கைவண் தோன்றல்! ஐயம் உடையேன்: ‘ஆர்புனை தெரியல்நின் முன்னோர் எல்லாம் பார்ப்பார் நோவன செய்யலர்: மற்றுஇது நீர்த்தோ நினக்கு?’ என வெறுப்பக் கூறி, நின்யான் பிழைத்தது நோவாய் என்னினும், நீபிழைத் தாய்போல் நனிநா ணினையே; ‘தம்மைப் பிழைத்தோர்ப் பொறுக்குஞ் செம்மல்! இக்குடிப் பிறந்தோர்க் கெண்மை காணும்’ எனக் காண்டகு மொய்ம்ப! காட்டினை; ஆகலின், யானே பிழைத்தனென் ! சிறக்கநின் ஆயுள்; மிக்குவரும் இன்னீர்க் காவிரி எக்கர் இட்ட மணலினும் பலவே! ^14. Vālakhilyas (वालखिल्य): Name of a class of Ṛṣis of the size of a thumb (sixty thousand were produced from Brahmā’s body and surround the chariot of the sun), Monier-Williams Sanskrit-English Dictionary. ^15. Puṟanāṉūṟu 38, poet Āvūr Mūlam Kiḻār on the Cōḻa king Kuḷa-muṟṟattu tuñjiya Kiḷḷi-vaḷavaṉ. 38. வேண்டியது விளைக்கும் வேந்தன்! பாடியவர்: ஆவூர் மூலங் கிழார். பாடப்பட்டோன்: சோழன் குளமுற்றத்துத் துஞ்சிய கிள்ளிவளவன். திணை: பாடாண். துறை: இயன்மொழி, குறிப்பு: ‘எம்முள்ளீர், எந்நாட்டீர்?’ என்று அவன் கேட்ப, அவர் பாடியது. வரை புரையும் மழகளிற்றின் மிசை, வான் துடைக்கும் வகைய போல விரவு உருவின கொடி நுடங்கும் வியன் தானை விறல் வேந்தே! நீ, உடன்று நோக்கும்வாய் எரிதவழ, நீ, நயந்து நோக்கும்வாய் பொன்பூப்பச், செஞ் ஞாயிற்று நிலவு வேண்டினும், வெண் திங்களுள் வெயில் வேண்டினும், வேண்டியது விளைக்கும் ஆற்றலை ஆகலின், நின்நிழல் பிறந்து, நின்நிழல் வளர்ந்த, எம் அளவு எவனோ மற்றே? பொலம்பூங் காவின் நன்னாட் டோரும் செய்வினை மருங்கின் எய்தல் அல்லதை, உடையோர் ஈதலும், இல்லோர் இரத்தலும் கடவ தன்மையின், கையறவு உடைத்து’என, ஆண்டுச் செய் நுகர்ச்சி ஈண்டும் கூடலின், நின்நாடு உள்ளுவர், பரிசிலர்: ஒன்னார் தேஎத்தும், நின்னுடைத் தெனவே. ^16. Puṟanāṉūṟu 9, poet Neṭṭimaiyār on Palyāgasālai Mudukuḍumi Peruvaḻuti. 9. ஆற்றுமணலும் வாழ்நாளும்! பாடியவர் : நெட்டிமையார். பாடப்பட்டோன் : பாண்டியன் பல்யாகசாலை முதுகுடுமிப் பெருவழுதி. திணை : பாடாண். துறை : இயன்மொழி. குறிப்பு : இதனுடன் காரிகிழாரின் ஆறாவது புறப்பாட்டையும் சேர்த்து ஆய்ந்து, இப் பாண்டியனின் சிறப்பைக் காண்க. ‘ஆவும், ஆனியற் பார்ப்பன மாக்களும், பெண்டிரும், பிணியுடை யீரும் பேணித் தென்புலம் வாழ்நர்க்கு அருங்கடன் இறுக்கும் பொன்போற் புதல்வர்ப் பெறாஅ தீரும், எம்அம்பு கடிவிடுதும், நுன்அரண் சேர்மின்’ என அறத்துஆறு நுவலும் பூட்கை, மறத்தின் கொல்களிற்று மீமிசைக் கொடிவிசும்பு நிழற்றும் எங்கோ, வாழிய குடுமி! தங் கோச் செந்நீர்ப் பசும்பொன் வயிரியர்க்கு ஈத்த, முந்நீர் விழவின், நெடியோன் நன்னீர்ப் ப·றுளி மணலினும் பலவே! ^17. Puṟanāṉūṟu 166, poet Māṅguḍi Kiḻār on Viṇṇantāyaṉ 166. யாமும் செல்வோம்! பாடியவர்: ஆவூர் மூலங் கிழார். பாடப்பட்டோன் : சோணாட்டுப் பூஞ்சாற்றூர்ப் பார்ப்பான் கௌணியன் விண்ணந்தாயன். திணை: வாகை. துறை: பார்பபன வாகை. நன் றாய்ந்த நீள் நிமிர்சடை முது முதல்வன் வாய் போகாது, ஒன்று புரிந்த ஈரி ரண்டின், ஆறுணர்ந்த ஒரு முதுநூல் இகல் கண்டோர் மிகல் சாய்மார், மெய் அன்ன பொய் உணர்ந்து, பொய் ஓராது மெய் கொளீஇ, மூவேழ் துறைபும் முட்டின்று போகிய உரைசால் சிறப்பின் உரவோர் மருக! வினைக்கு வேண்டி நீ பூண்ட புலப் புல்வாய்க் கலைப் பச்சை சுவல் பூண்ஞான் மிசைப் பொலிய; மறம் கடிந்த அருங் கற்பின், அறம் புகழ்ந்த வலை சூடிச், சிறு நுதல், பேர் அகல் அல்குல், சில சொல்லின் பல கூந்தல், நின் நிலைக் கொத்தநின் துணைத் துணைவியர் தமக்கு அமைந்த தொழில் கேட்பக்; காடு என்றா நாடுஎன்று ஆங்கு ஈரேழின் இடம் முட்டாது, நீர் நாண நெய் வழங்கியும், எண் நாணப் பல வேட்டும், மண் நாணப் புகழ் பரப்பியும், அருங் கடிப் பெருங் காலை, விருந்து உற்றநின் திருந்து ஏந்துநிலை, என்றும், காண்கதில் அம்ம, யாமே! குடாஅது பொன்படு நெடுவரைப் புயல்ஏறு சிலைப்பின், பூவிரி புதுநீர்க் காவிரி புரக்கும் தண்புனற் படப்பை எம்மூர் ஆங்கண், உண்டும் தின்றும் ஊர்ந்தும் ஆடுகம்; செல்வல் அத்தை யானே; செல்லாது, மழைஅண் ணாப்ப நீடிய நெடுவரைக் கழைவளர் இமயம்போல, நிலீஇயர் அத்தை, நீ நிலமிசை யானே? ^18. prātiśākhyas: a treatise on the peculiar euphonic combination and pronunciation of letters which prevails in different Śākhās of the Vedas (Monier Williams Sanskrit-English dictionary). ^19. Nagaswamy, R., “Chapter 6: TAMIḺ AND SANSKRIT RELATIONSHIP”, In Mirror of Tamil and Sanskrit, Tamil Arts Academy, Chennai, 2012 ^20. Paripāḍal 10, poet sings on the river Vaikai. 10. வையை (பருவம் கண்டு வன்புறை எதிர் அழிந்த தலைமகளது ஆற்றாமை கண்டு, தோழி தூது விட, சென்ற பாணன், பாசறைக்கண், தலைமகற்குப் பருவ வரவும், வையை நீர் விழவு அணியும், ஆங்குப் பட்ட செய்தியும், கூறியது.) பாடியவர் :: கரும்பிள்ளைப் பூதனார் இசையமைத்தவர் :: மருத்துவன் நல்லச்சுதனார் பண் :: பாலையாழ் மலைவரை மாலை அழி பெயல்_____காலை, செல வரை காணாக் கடல்தலைக் கூட____ நில வரை அல்லல் நிழத்த, விரிந்த பலவுறு போர்வைப் பரு மணல் மூஉய், வரி அரி ஆணு முகிழ் விரி சினைய 5 மாந் தீம் தளிரொடு வாழையிலை மயக்கி, ஆய்ந்து அளவா ஓசை அறையூஉப், பறை அறையப் போந்தது____வையைப் புனல். புனலாடும் பொருட்டு மகளிர் வையைக் கரை சேர்தல் புனல் மண்டி ஆடல் புரிவான், சனம் மண்டி, தாளித நொய்ந் நூல் சரணத்தர், மேகலை 10 ஏணிப்படுகால் இறுகிறுகத் தாள் இடீஇ, நெய்த்தோர் நிற அரக்கின் நீரெக்கி யாவையும் முத்து நீர்ச் சாந்து அடைந்த மூஉய்த் தத்தி; புக அரும் பொங்குஉளைப் புள் இயல் மாவும், மிக வரினும் மீது இனிய வேழப் பிணவும், 15 அகவரும் பாண்டியும், அத்திரியும், ஆய் மாச் சகடமும், தண்டு ஆர் சிவிகையும், பண்ணி; வகை வகை ஊழ் ஊழ் கதழ்பு மூழ்த்து ஏறி; முதியர், இளையர்: முகைப் பருவத்தர், வதி மண வம்பு அலர் வாய் அவிழ்ந்தன்னார்____ 20 இரு திரு மாந்தரும் இன்னினியோரும்_____ விரவு நரையோரும் வெறு நரையோரும்_____ பதிவத மாதர், பரத்தையர்; பாங்கர்; அதிர் குரல் வித்தகர் ஆக்கிய தாள விதி கூட்டிய இய மென் நடை போல, 25 பதி எதிர் சென்று, பரூஉக் கரை நண்ணி_____ கரை சேர்ந்த மகளிர் செயல் (அலர்வாய் அவிழ்ந்தன்ன பருவத்தையுடைய கற்புடைமகளிர் பரத்தையர் இவர்களின் செயல்) நீர் அணி காண்போர்; நிரை மாடம் ஊர்குவோர்; பேர் அணி நிற்போர்; பெரும் பூசல் தாக்குவோர்; மா மலி ஊர்வோர்; வயப் பிடி உந்துவோர்; வீ மலி கான் யாற்றின் துருத்தி குறுகி, 30 தாம் வீழ்வார் ஆகம் தழுவுவோர்; தழுவு எதிராது, யாமக் குறை ஊடல் இன் நசைத் தேன் நுகர்வோர்; காமக் கணிச்சியால் கையறவு வட்டித்து, சேமத் திரை வீழ்த்து சென்று, அமளி சேர்குவோர்: முகைப் பருவத்து மகளிரின் செயல்கள் தாம் வேண்டு காதற் கணவர் எதிர்ப்பட, 35 பூ மேம்பாடு உற்ற புனை சுரும்பின், சேம மட நடைப் பாட்டியர்த் தப்பி, தடை இறந்து, தாம் வேண்டும் பட்டினம் எய்திக் கரை சேரும் ஏழுறு நாவாய் வரவு எதிர்கொள்வார்போல், யாம் வேண்டும் வையைப் புனல் எதிர்கொள் கூடல்_____ 40 களிறு பிடிகளின் ஒத்த அன்பு ஆங்க அணி நிலை மாடத்து அணி நின்ற பாங்காம் மடப் பிடி கண்டு, வயக் கரி மால் உற்று, நலத்த நடவாது நிற்ப; மடப் பிடி, அன்னம் அனையாரோடு ஆயா நடை, கரிமேல் செல் மனம் மால் உறுப்ப, சென்று; எழில் மாடத்துக் 45 கை புனை கிளர் வேங்கை காணிய வெருவுற்று, மை புரை மடப் பிடி, மட நல்லார் விதிர்ப்புற, செய் தொழில் கொள்ளாது, மதி செத்துச் சிதைதர; கூம் கை மத மாக் கொடுந் தோட்டி கைந் நீவி நீங்கும் பதத்தால், உருமுப் பெயர்த்தந்து 50 வாங்கி, முயங்கி வயப் பிடி கால்கோத்து, சிறந்தார் நடுக்கம் சிறந்தார் களையல்______ இதையும் களிறும் பிணையும் இரியச் சிதையும் கலத்தைப் பயினான் திருத்தும் திசை அறி நீகானும் போன்ம். 55 மகளிர், மைந்தர் இவர்கள் செயல் பருக் கோட்டு யாழ்ப் பக்கம் பாடலோடு ஆடல் அருப்பம் அழிப்ப, அழிந்த மனக் கோட்டையர், ஒன்றோடு இரண்டா முன்தேறார், வென்றியின், பல் சனம் நாணிப் பதைபதைப்பு_____மன்னவர் தண்டம் இரண்டும் தலைஇத் தாக்கி நின்றவை 60 ஒன்றியும், உடம்பாடு ஒலி எழுதற்கு அஞ்சி, நின்ற நிகழ்ச்சியும் போன்ம். காமம் கனைந்து எழ, கண்ணின் களி எழ, ஊர் மன்னும் அஞ்சி ஒளிப்பாரவர் நிலை_____ கள்ளின் களி எழக் காத்தாங்கு, அலர் அஞ்சி, 65 உள்ளம் உளை எழ, ஊக்கத்தான் உள் உள் பரப்பி மதர் நடுக்கிப் பார் அலர் தூற்றக் கரப்பார், களி மதரும் போன்ம். கள்ளடு காமம் கலந்து, கரை வாங்கும் வெள்ளம் தரும், இப் புனல். 70 மகளிரது நீர் விளையாட்டு புனல் பொருது மெலிந்தார் திமில் விட, கனல் பொருத அகிலின் ஆவி கா எழ, நகில் முகடு மெழுகிய அளறு மடை திறந்து திகை முழுது கமழ, முகில் அகடு கழி மதியின் உறை கழி வள்ளத்து உறு நறவு வாக்குநர், 75 அரவு செறி உவவு மதியென அங்கையில் தாங்கி, ஏறி மகர வலயம் அணி திகழ் நுதலியர், மதி உண் அரமகளென, ஆம்பல் வாய் மடுப்ப; மீப்பால் வெண் துகில் போர்க்குநர்; பூப் பால் வெண் துகில் சூழ்ப்பக் குழல் முறுக்குநர்; 80 செங் குங்குமச் செழுஞ் சேறு, பங்கம் செய் அகில் பல பளிதம், மறுகுபட அறை புரை அறு குழவியின் அவி அமர் அழலென அரைக்குநர்; நத்தொடு, நள்ளி, நடை இறவு, வய வாளை, 85 வித்தி அலையில், ‘விளைக! பொலிக! என்பார்; இல்லது நோக்கி, இளிவரவு கூறாமுன், நல்லது வெ•கி, வினை செய்வார்; மண் ஆர் மணியின் வணர் குரல் வண்டு ஆர்ப்ப, தண் அம் துவர் பல ஊட்டிச் சலம் குடைவார்; 90 எண்ணெய் கழல இழை துகள் பிசைவார்; மாலையும் சாந்தும் மதமும் இழைகளும், கோலம் கொள, நீர்க்குக் கூட்டுவார்; அப் புனல் உண்ணா நறவினை ஊட்டுவார்; ஒண் தொடியார் வண்ணம் தெளிர, முகமும் வளர் முலைக் 95 கண்ணும் கழியச் சிவந்தன; அன்ன வகை ஆட்டு அயர்ந்து_____அரி படும் ஐ விரை மாண் பகழி அரம் தின் வாய் போன்ம் போன்ம் போன்ம்___________ பின்னும், மலர்க் கண் புனல் புனல் விளையாட்டால் மெலியாத மைதர் செயல் தண்டித் தண்டின் தாய்ச் செல்வாரும், 100 கண்டல் தண் தாது திரை நுரை தூவாரும், வெய்ய திமிலின் விரை புனலோடு ஓய்வாரும், மெய்யது உழவின் எதிர் புனல் மாறு ஆடிப் பைய விளையாடுவாரும், மென் பாவையர் செய்த பூஞ் சிற்றடிசில் இட்டு உண்ண ஏற்பார், 105 இடுவார் மறுப்பார் சிறுகு இடையார் பந்தும் கழங்கும் பல களவு கொண்டு ஓடி, அம் தண் கரை நின்று பாய்வாராய், மைந்தர் ஒளிறு இலங்கு எ•கொடு வாள் மாறு உழக்கி, களிறு போர் உற்ற களம்போல, நாளும் 110 தெளிவு இன்று, தீம் நீர்ப் புனல். புனலாடி மீண்டவாறு மதி மாலை மால் இருள் கால் சீப்ப, கூடல் வதி மாலை, மாறும் தொழிலான், புது மாலை நாள் அணி நீக்கி, நகை மாலைப் பூ வேய்ந்து, தோள் அணி, தோடு, சுடர் இழை, நித்திலம்; 115 பாடுவார் பாடல், பரவல், பழிச்சுதல், ஆடுவார் ஆடல், அமர்ந்த சீர்ப் பாணி, நல்ல கமழ் தேன் அளி வழக்கம், எல்லாமும், பண் தொடர் வண்டு பரிய எதிர் வந்து ஊத, கொண்டிய வண்டு கதுப்பின் குரல் ஊத, 120 தென் திசை நோக்கித் திரிதர்வாய்; மண்டு கால் சார்வா, நளிர் மலைப் பூங்கொடித் தங்குபு உகக்கும் பனி வளர் ஆவியும் போன்ம், மணி மாடத்து உள் நின்று தூய பனிநீருடன் கலந்து, கால் திரிய ஆர்க்கும் புகை. 125 வையையை வாழ்த்துதல் இலம்படு புலவர் ஏற்ற கை ஞெமரப் பொலம் சொரி வழுதியின், புனல் இறை பரப்பி, செய்யில் பொலம் பரப்பும் செய் வினை ஓயற்க____ வருந்தாது வரும் புனல் விருந்து அயர் கூடல், அருங் கறை அறை இசை வயிரியர், உரிமை ஒருங்கு அமர் ஆயமொடு, ஏத்தினர் தொழவே. 131

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